Preferences in Between: Moderates in the Catalan Secessionist Conflict

Recent research on territorial preferences focuses on explaining who supports or opposes independence. However, this research overlooks the relevance of an "intermediate" category of citizens who may oppose the territorial status quo of a sub-state territory but not support independence. We use evidence from the critical case of Catalonia to illustrate the relevance of individuals with such preferences for policies and outcomes highly relevant to secessionist conflicts. We present four sets of findings using two-wave panel data from December 2017 (just prior to the December regional elections when Catalan independence was the most salient and contentious issue) and September 2018. First, we find that a sizable plurality within Catalonia supports greater autonomy short of independence; conventional sociodemographic variables explaining support for independence do not strongly account for this preference. Second, such pro-autonomy individuals have considerably more intermediate attitudes regarding the key "on the ground" actions that the Spanish and Catalan governments pursued during the crucial independence drive in 2017. They were more opposed than pro-independence individuals to the unilateral independence efforts, and more opposed than pro-status quo individuals to the Spanish government's actions to counter these efforts. Third, they expressed emotions around the secessionist conflict similar to pro-status quo individuals. Finally, using an embedded survey experiment, we find that pro-autonomy individuals are more trusting of both the central and regional governments regarding their abiding by an agreement to resolve the conflict, and are less easily "polarized" through priming. Overall, these findings indicate the importance of further analyzing individuals with intermediate territorial views in secessionist conflicts

Quark Mass Matrices with Four and Five Texture Zeroes, and the CKM Matrix, in terms of Mass Eigenvalues

Using the triangular matrix techniques of Kuo et al and Chiu et al for the four and five texture zero cases, with vanishing (11) elements for U and D matrices, it is shown, from the general eigenvalue equations and hierarchy conditions, that the quark mass matrices, and the CKM matrix can be expressed (except for the phases) entirely in terms of quark masses. The matrix structures are then quite simple and transparent. We confirm their results for the five texture zero case but find, upon closer examination of all the CKM elements which our results provide, that six of their nine patterns for the four texture zero case are not compatible with experiments. In total, only one five-texture zero and three four-texture zero patterns are allowed.Comment: 15 pages, 3 table

Current status of hepatocellular carcinoma detection: screening strategies and novel biomarkers.

Hepatocellular carcinoma (HCC) remains a major cause of cancer-related mortality worldwide. Delayed diagnosis is a major factor responsible for the poor prognosis of HCC. Several advances have been made in the field of liver imaging with the use of novel imaging contrasts, improving current imaging techniques with contrast-enhanced computed tomography (CT) and magnetic resonance imaging (MRI), introduction of new technologies such as contrast liver ultrasound, and development of novel biomarkers with the goal of early detection of HCC and improving outcomes of patients with HCC. This review focuses on current surveillance strategies and development of biomarkers with the goal of early detection of HCC

Territory, identity, and federalist preferences: Survey and experimental evidence

What explains citizen preferences for redistribution across regions within a country? Around the world, countries vary greatly in how much central governments tax wealthier regions to redistribute to poorer ones in order to reduce inequality across regions. In many federations or multi-tiered polities, these issues are salient, electorally contested, and at times polarizing; they have sometimes led to demands for or attempts at secession from disaffected regions. Such issues have been politicized in wealthy countries including Belgium, Canada, Italy, Spain, the United Kingdom, as well as in poorer or middle-income states including Argentina, Brazil, China, India, Mexico, and Russia. Yet the recent growth in research on the causes and consequences of different federal arrangements and fiscal federalism have not studied in depth the roots of individual preferences over basic issues related to federal institutions and fiscal federalism. This omission is surprising given the high salience of this package of issues in such countries

Preferences for Regional Redistribution in Multi-Tiered Politics: The Role of Information and Survey Evidence

What explains individual support for redistribution among regions within a country? Building on extant models, we hypothesize that such preferences are affected by regional income, conditioned by individual income and political ideology. We test hypotheses with an experiment embedded in a nationally representative survey in Spain, where we randomly inform some citizens of the true relative income of their region. The effect of this information is therefore akin to changes in relative regional income. We find that citizens' learning about a region's relative position affects preferences for redistribution; specifically, low-income respondents in relatively well-off regions become particularly against inter-regional redistribution. The effects of regional income are moderated by political ideology and priming of "out group" regions. The findings have implications for debates about the applicability of economic models to explaining support for regional arrangements, and about the role of second-dimensional "identity" politics.This project has been funded by the Càtedra Pasqual Maragall d’Economia i Territori (University of Barcelona), and by the Spanish National Research Council (CSIC) (project number: 200910I070). For comments on previous versions of this paper, we thank Sabine Flamand, Mark Kayser, Johannes Lindvall, as well as partici-pants at the MPSA 2013, EPSA 2013, CES 2013 and the Moscow Mini-Conference on Culture, Diversity and Development. The usual disclaimer applies