Populism in Power and Democracy: Democratic Decay and Resilience in the Czech Republic (2013–2020)

Populism and technocracy reject vertical accountability and horizontal accountability. Populism and technocracy can combine to form ‘technocratic populism.’ The study assesses the extent to which democratic decay can be traced to the actions of technocratic populists as opposed to institutional factors, civil society, fragmentation and polarization. The main findings of this article are that technocratic populism has illiberal tendencies expressed best in its efforts at executive aggrandizement (cf. Bermeo, 2016). Without an effective bulwark against democratic erosion (cf. Bernhard, 2015), technocratic populism tends to undermine electoral competition (vertical accountability), judiciary independence, legislative oversight (horizontal accountability), and freedom of the press (diagonal accountability). The most effective checks on technocratic populist in power, this study finds, are the courts, free media, and civil society. This article highlights the mechanisms of democratic decay and democratic resilience beyond electoral politics. It indicates that a combination of institutional veto points and civil society agency is necessary to prevent democratic erosion (cf. Weyland, 2020). While active civil society can prevent democratic erosion, it cannot reverse it. Ultimately, the future of liberal democracy depends on the people’s willingness to defend it in the streets AND at the ballot box

Saward’s Concept of the Representative Claim Revisited: An Empirical Perspective

Representation is a process of making, accepting, or rejecting representative claims (Disch, 2015; Saward, 2014). This groundbreaking insight challenged the standard assumption that representative democracy can be reduced to elections and activities of elected representatives (Pitkin, 1967). It broadened the scope of representative democracy to encompass representation activities beyond those authorized by elections, transformed our thinking and provided a new perspective, putting claims and their reception into the center. This paradigm shift erased the distinction between elected and non-elected representatives and disclosed the potential of non-elected actors’ claims to represent (Andeweg, 2003; Kuyper, 2016; Rosanvallon & Goldhammer, 2008; Saward, 2006, 2009; Van Biezen & Saward, 2008). In spite of this lively debate, we identify an important gap in the literature: while this paradigmatic shift inspired many authors, conceptual frameworks that can be applied for systematic empirical analysis of real-life cases are missing. In this article, we fill this gap and propose frameworks for assessing and validating a variety of real-life claims. Our study provides empirical substance to the ongoing theoretical debates, helping to translate the mainly theoretical ‘claim approach’ into empirical research tools. It helps to transform the conventional wisdom about what representation can (not) be and shines a new light on the potential future of (claims on) representation

The Illiberal Turn or Swerve in Central Europe?

Scholars are coming to terms with the fact that something is rotten in the new democracies of Central Europe. The corrosion has multiple symptoms: declining trust in democratic institutions, emboldened uncivil society, the rise of oligarchs and populists as political leaders, assaults on an independent judiciary, the colonization of public administration by political proxies, increased political control over media, civic apathy, nationalistic contestation and Russian meddling. These processes signal that the liberal-democratic project in the so-called Visegrad Four (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia) has been either stalled, diverted or reversed. This article investigates the "illiberal turn" in the Visegrad Four (V4) countries. It develops an analytical distinction between illiberal "turns" and "swerves", with the former representing more permanent political changes, and offers evidence that Hungary is the only country in the V4 at the brink of a decisive illiberal turn

The Illiberal Turn or Swerve in Central Europe?

Scholars are coming to terms with the fact that something is rotten in the new democracies of Central Europe. The corrosion has multiple symptoms: declining trust in democratic institutions, emboldened uncivil society, the rise of oligarchs and populists as political leaders, assaults on an independent judiciary, the colonization of public administration by political proxies, increased political control over media, civic apathy, nationalistic contestation and Russian meddling. These processes signal that the liberal-democratic project in the so-called Visegrad Four (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia) has been either stalled, diverted or reversed. This article investigates the "illiberal turn" in the Visegrad Four (V4) countries. It develops an analytical distinction between illiberal "turns" and "swerves", with the former representing more permanent political changes, and offers evidence that Hungary is the only country in the V4 at the brink of a decisive illiberal turn

Saward's Concept of the Representative Claim Revisited: An Empirical Perspective

Representation is a process of making, accepting, or rejecting representative claims (Disch, 2015; Saward, 2014). This groundbreaking insight challenged the standard assumption that representative democracy can be reduced to elections and activities of elected representatives (Pitkin, 1967). It broadened the scope of representative democracy to encompass representation activities beyond those authorized by elections, transformed our thinking and provided a new perspective, putting claims and their reception into the center. This paradigm shift erased the distinction between elected and non-elected representatives and disclosed the potential of non-elected actors' claims to represent (Andeweg, 2003; Kuyper, 2016; Rosanvallon & Goldhammer, 2008; Saward, 2006, 2009; Van Biezen & Saward, 2008). In spite of this lively debate, we identify an important gap in the literature: while this paradigmatic shift inspired many authors, conceptual frameworks that can be applied for systematic empirical analysis of real-life cases are missing. In this article, we fill this gap and propose frameworks for assessing and validating a variety of real-life claims. Our study provides empirical substance to the ongoing theoretical debates, helping to translate the mainly theoretical 'claim approach' into empirical research tools. It helps to transform the conventional wisdom about what representation can (not) be and shines a new light on the potential future of (claims on) representation

Technocratic Populism à la Française? The Roots and Mechanisms of Emmanuel Macron’s Success

This article focuses on the roots and mechanisms of Macron’s success, arguing that in 2017 two conditions were essential in Macron’s rise—the implosion of the established system of the French Fifth Republic in which the two main parties were alternating in power; and the rise of anti-establishment populist challengers on the right and on the left (cf. Stockemer, 2017; Zulianello, 2020). It was anti-establishment appeal that put Macron on the map, but the appeal to technocratic competence that won him the presidency. Technocratic populism transcends the left–right cleavage and, as a result, has a broader appeal than its left- and right-wing counterparts. Emmanuel Macron was an insider taking on the (crumbling) system and positioning himself as an outsider—refusing the traditional labels, including centrism, elite recruitment patterns, and mediated politics. Instead, Macron and La Republique en Marche attempted to create new forms of responsiveness by ‘giving voice to the people,’ while relying on technocratic competence as a legitimation mechanism. In power Emmanuel Macron attempts to balance responsiveness and responsibility (cf. Guasti & Buštíková, 2020)

Pomanjkljivosti delovanja pravne države v Sloveniji v primerjalnem kontekstu Srednje in Vzhodne Evrope

Purpose: The article seeks to fill the gap in the existing research by first analyzing the interplay between the rule of law and its compliance in the CEE region in the context of the EU accession processand second, by identifying key reform measures taken against corruption and clientelism in the CEE accession processand third, by outlining the factors that have played a crucial role in this process and now affect the quality of the rule of law in the CEE region, particularly in Slovenia. Design/Methods/Approach: The methods employed include an analysis of EU documents and qualitative interviews carried out in Slovenia. Findings: In Slovenia, as well as in other CEE countries, informal institutions play an important role in a number of policy areas, but the majority of respondents find healthcare and the judiciary most affected. Practical Implications: This article will probably be a valid source to those in search of more empirically based studies of informal intuitions in Slovenia, especially as regards corruption and networking. It will be of practical use to those in charge of corruption prevention and proper policy making. Originality/Value: This article presents one the most in-depth analyses of Slovenian informal policy. It is enriched by views of external researchers.Namen prispevka: Članek poskuša zapolniti vrzel v obstoječih raziskavah tako, da prvič, analizira medsebojni vpliv med pravno državo in spoštovanjem določil, podanih za Srednjo in Vzhodno Evropo v okviru pristopnega procesa EUdrugič, opredeli ključne reformne ukrepe proti korupciji in klientelizmu v pristopnem procesuin tretjič, predstavi tiste dejavnike, ki so odigrali ključno vlogo v tem procesu in danes vplivajo na kakovost pravne države v regiji Srednje in Vzhodne Evrope, zlasti v Sloveniji. Metode: Uporabljeni metodi sta analiza dokumentov EU in kvalitativni intervjuji v Sloveniji. Ugotovitve: V Sloveniji, pa tudi v drugih državah Srednje in Vzhodne Evrope, neformalne institucije igrajo pomembno vlogo na številnih področjih, pri čemer so v intervjujih sodelujoči posebej izpostavili zdravstvo in sodstvo. Praktična uporabnost: Članek bo najbolj uporaben za tiste, ki iščejo bolj empirično zasnovane študije o neformalnih institucijah v Sloveniji, zlasti tistih, povezanih s korupcijo in mreženjem in tistih, ki se pojavljajo v vlogah preprečevalcev korupcije in oblikovalcev ustrezne protikorupcijske politike. Izvirnost/pomembnost prispevka: Prispevek prinaša eno najbolj poglobljenih analiz slovenskih neformalnih institucij, ki vključuje tudi prispevka zunanjih raziskovalcev

Rethinking Representation: Representative Claims in Global Perspective

The established notion of political representation is challenged on multiple accounts—theoretically, conceptually, and empirically. The contributions to this thematic issue explore the constructivist turn as the means for rethinking political representation today around the world. The articles included here seek to reconsider representation by theoretically and empirically reassessing how representation is conceptualized, claimed and performed—in Western and non-Western contexts. In recognition that democratic representation in Western countries is in a process of fundamental transformation and that non-Western countries no longer aim at replicating established Western models, we look for representation around the world—specifically in: Belgium, Brazil, France, Germany, China, and India. This enables us to advance the study of representative democracy from a global perspective. We show the limits and gaps in the constructivist literature and the benefits of theory-driven empirical research. Finally, we provide conceptual tools and frameworks for the (comparative) study of claims of representation

Claims of misrepresentation : a comparison of Germany and Brazil

The system of representative democracy is under considerable strain – its institutions are struggling to maintain legitimacy (Mair 2009), and elected representatives are failing to keep their monopoly on (formal) political representation (Van Biezen 2014), and are being contested by an emerging multitude of (new) claim makers (Saward 2008). These claims of misrepresentation challenge the legitimacy and authority of the elected representatives as well as the functioning of the existing system of representative democracy. In this paper, we compare claims of misrepresentation in Brazil (during the presidential impeachment in 2016) and in Germany (focusing on the 2017 electoral campaign of the Alternative for Germany). We argue that to adequately explain effects of the claims of misrepresentation on democratic representation, it is necessary to, first of all, understand how the challengers construct themselves as political actors vis-a-vis their intended constituency and the democratic system. Second, it is essential to comprehend what kind of claims emerge from these discourses: positive and/or negative. Using constructivist approach – Saward’s representative claim and literature on the interplay between populism and democracy (Kaltwasser 2012, 2014), our paper contributes to understanding the populist appeal – ‘the system' the populists seek to challenge and 'the people' they claim to create

Reasoning about alternative forms is costly:The processing of null and overt pronouns in Italian using pupillary responses

Different words generally have different meanings. However, some words seemingly share similar meanings. An example are null and overt pronouns in Italian, which both refer to an individual in the discourse. Is the interpretation and processing of a form affected by the existence of another form with a similar meaning? With a pupillary response study, we show that null and overt pronouns are processed differently. Specifically, null pronouns are found to be less costly to process than overt pronouns. We argue that this difference is caused by an additional reasoning step that is needed to process marked overt pronouns but not unmarked null pronouns. A comparison with data from Dutch, a language with overt but no null pronouns, demonstrates that Italian pronouns are processed differently from Dutch pronouns. These findings suggest that the processing of a marked form is influenced by alternative forms within the same language, making its processing costly