194 research outputs found
The vulnerability of older adults: what do census data say? An application to Uganda
Older adults are generally considered as being among the most vulnerable groups of the population. Yet, being over 55, 60 or 65 years old, does not necessarily mean being vulnerable in any way. Older adults are stakeholders in a social system in which they both receive and give. In Africa, where rapid population growth and economic changes have greatly transformed livelihoods in the past century, the social role of the older population has also undergone substantial change. Even in a context where their power is being eroded, older adults are often involved as providers until very late in life. In a situation where social security for pensioners is almost non-existent, elderly persons who need special care rely exclusively on their children or their social networks. According to their economic or family situation, the capability of older people to withstand difficulties is highly variable. In this context, we define in this paper two components of the vulnerability of older adults based on the structure of the household: structural and relational vulnerabilities. Then, using data from Uganda Population and Housing Censuses of 1991 and 2002, we measure the situations of vulnerability affecting older adults and possible changes that have taken place in this regard over the past two decades in this country. In Uganda older men and women are about equal in numbers. Men are less frequently in situations of vulnerability, however. Logically, the prevalence of vulnerability among older adults increases with age, but has not significantly changed from 1991 to 2002. Structural and relational vulnerability affect women much more frequently than men. Disability is more common among older adults in situations of structural vulnerability than among others, i.e. among older adults who live alone and have children in their care, which questions the capacity of family support systems to care for their members
Utopies Ă Rakai
En 2011, dans un article paru dans la presse, les habitants de la rĂ©gion de la Kagera, dans le Sud-Ouest de lâOuganda, rĂ©clament lâusage de terres bloquĂ©es au nom dâun projet de zone franche qui ne se concrĂ©tise pas. Il sâagit dâun projet ambitieux : le Gouvernement ougandais a Ă©tĂ© sollicitĂ© pour donner 500 km2 afin de contribuer Ă la crĂ©ation de la « nouvelle Hong Kong de lâAfrique » ou dâ« une autre Dubai ». En septembre 2005, le prĂ©sident ougandais donne des directives pour mettre les terres demandĂ©es Ă la disposition de la sociĂ©tĂ© promotrice du projet. En janvier 2006, un accord est signĂ© entre le Gouvernement et cette compagnie par le ministre des Investissements de lâĂ©poque. Puis en dĂ©cembre 2007, dans un revirement inattendu, le projet est officiellement suspendu par la mise en place dâune commission dâenquĂȘte, commanditĂ©e par le prĂ©sident en personne. En effet, le lien entre ce projet et un mouvement religieux est parvenu Ă lâattention du public. Ce mouvement religieux, prĂ©sent Ă la fois dans le district de Rakai en Ouganda et en AmĂ©rique du Nord, est dĂ©crit dans des termes contrastĂ©s : « secte » localement en Ouganda, associĂ©e Ă des rituels Ă©tranges (tels que la prĂ©servation des corps), et « religion New Age » prĂŽnant Ă des adeptes nord-amĂ©ricains un syncrĂ©tisme religieux entre Asie et Afrique, une alimentation vĂ©gĂ©tarienne et lâĂ©cologie. Son leader spirituel est Ă lâorigine de cette vision dâune citĂ© moderne au cĆur dâune Afrique renouant avec ses racines, Sseesamirembe. Certains des adeptes du mouvement qui font la promotion du projet de zone de libre-Ă©change sont bien introduits au sein de lâĂtat. Aux Ă©chelles locales, nationales et internationales, alors que la commission dâenquĂȘte nâa pas rendu son verdict, des tractations pour obtenir de la terre et des investissements se poursuivent, 10 ou 20 km2 sont allouĂ©s au projet en 2008. En 2008 encore, un accord avalisĂ© par des officiels de rang Ă©levĂ© des Gouvernements ougandais et chinois stipule quâune sociĂ©tĂ© chinoise sâest engagĂ©e Ă construire la ville aĂ©roportuaire sur le lac Victoria. Dans cet accord, le rĂŽle clĂ© de Liu Jianjun du Hebei province Bureau of Foreign Trade Promotion, promoteur de lâidĂ©e dâune paysannerie chinoise en Afrique (« villages de Baoding »), est soulignĂ©. Nous sommes bien loin du compte, mais les 500 km2 annoncĂ©s pour le projet restent la rĂ©fĂ©rence de ses promoteurs. Les visites officielles se succĂšdent Ă Rakai, officiels chinois, reprĂ©sentants de lâĂtat : la derniĂšre en date est celle du porte-parole de lâassemblĂ©e, en juillet 2011, au cours de laquelle le blocage est encore une fois dĂ©noncĂ©. Sur place, sur les terres dĂ©jĂ acquises par les dirigeants du groupe religieux, les fondations et la construction effective de quelques villas, Ă©quipĂ©es de gĂ©nĂ©rateurs et dâantennes paraboliques, sont Ă noter, mais nous sommes encore loin de la grande ville industrielle Ă©cologique New Age annoncĂ©e. Les facettes de ce projet sont multiples et insaisissables. DiffĂ©rents regards peuvent ĂȘtre portĂ©s sur cet objet : sa virtualitĂ© (utilisation de sites Internet), ses dimensions transnationales, ses aspects financiers, religieux, culturels, politiques, que ce soit aux Ă©chelles locales, nationales, rĂ©gionales ou internationales. Parmi les diffĂ©rentes manifestations du projet de Ssesamirembe, nous avons choisi de nous interroger plus particuliĂšrement sur ses incidences fonciĂšres. Dans un contexte de croissance dĂ©mographique et dâexacerbation de conflits fonciers, nous nous intĂ©ressons ici Ă un processus dâaccumulation fonciĂšre spĂ©cifique qui illustre bien les logiques qui contraignent lâaccĂšs Ă la terre aussi bien des investisseurs que des paysans, en Ouganda. La renĂ©gociation de droits respectifs dâusage et de propriĂ©tĂ© crĂ©e des situations de blocage. Les dirigeants du mouvement religieux ont cherchĂ© Ă faire appel directement Ă la gĂ©nĂ©rositĂ© de lâĂtat. Est-il possible dâimaginer une concession de terres en Ouganda Ă lâheure actuelle comme au dĂ©but de la colonisation, en 1900, oĂč les terres allouĂ©es aux personnages importants du royaume, aux chefs territoriaux qui le reprĂ©sentent, aux Ăglises catholique et anglicane, se mesuraient en square miles ? Certains historiens soulignent lâartifice du titre de propriĂ©tĂ© dans ce contexte oĂč la propriĂ©tĂ© est issue davantage dâun droit Ă©minent que dâune appropriation effective. Cette requĂȘte ne semble pas avoir abouti pour lâinstant. Le cas de Sseesamirembe rĂ©vĂšle un aspect sans doute commun mais qui passe le plus souvent inaperçu : le mĂ©lange du virtuel et du rĂ©el, la juxtaposition dâacteurs et de mondes diffĂ©rents. Un mouvement religieux dans ses fantasmes construit une citĂ© idĂ©ale, rien de plus banal. Elle utilise le flou sur sa tenure fonciĂšre pour lâexagĂ©rer et pour attirer des investisseurs Ă©trangers, eux aussi Ă la recherche dâune utopie â agraire ou urbaine. Cette gesticulation de promesses non rĂ©alistes et de chiffres manipulĂ©s ouvre lâappĂ©tit des puissants ougandais locaux et nationaux qui Ă leur tour nourrissent la machine Ă crĂ©er du rĂȘve et Ă sâaccaparer des richesses beaucoup plus modestes mais bien rĂ©elles (terres publiques, titres fonciers et capitaux dâinvestisseurs locaux et internationauxâŠ). LâenchevĂȘtrement dâutopies religieuses ou de « dĂ©veloppement », dâinvestisseurs authentiques, dâescrocs, dâilluminĂ©s et de crĂ©dules crĂ©e un ordre oĂč chacun cherche Ă profiter de lâautre Ă partir dâĂ©lĂ©ments essentiellement virtuels.In 2011, in an article published in the press, local inhabitants of the Kagera region in South-Western Uganda were complaining they were prevented from cultivating the land earmarked for a free trade zone which has not yet materializing. For the realization of this ambitious project, the Ugandan government was approached to give out 500 km2 of land. The aim was to build the âNew Hong Kong of Africaâ or âanother Dubaiâ. In September 2005, the President of Uganda gave directives in favor of the company promoting this project and its application for land. In January 2006, an agreement was reached between the government and the company and a memorandum was signed by the then State Minister for Investments. Then, in December 2007, in an unexpected turn of events, the project was suspended, pending the findings of a Commission of Inquiry set up by the President, initially to explore rumours on the healing practices of the promoters of the project, who belong to a religious group found in Rakai district and also in North America. The group was described on the one hand as a âsectâ locally in Uganda, due to rituals such as the preservation of bodies, and also, on the other hand, as a âNew Age religionâ linking African and Asian religious traditions and advocating for a vegetarian diet and ecology. Its spiritual leader is said to have had a vision of a modern city in the midst of the continent renewing with its African roots, Sseesamirembe. Some high ranking followers are actually the ones promoting the idea of a free trade zone and they have powerful connections. Though the findings of the Commission were not out, at the local, national and international levels, efforts to obtain land and investments for the project continued: 10 or 20 km2 were allocated to the project in 2008. In addition, in 2008, an agreement between officials in the Chinese and the Ugandan governments opened the way to a large-scale Chinese investment in Rakai for the building of a complex comprising airport and port on Lake Victoria. The key role of Liu Jianjun from the Hebei province Bureau of Foreign Trade Promotion was noted. Liu Jianjun was the promoter of âBaoding villagesâ and his vision of Chinese peasantry settling in Africa. Though the 500 km2 are nowhere to be found, this is the figure quoted for the available land by the promoters of the project. There have been numerous visits from Chinese officials and from government representatives, the last one being the tour of the speaker of Parliament in July 2011 during which the stalemate was mentioned. On the ground, on land already belonging to the religious leaders, new foundations and a few villas, equipped with generators and satellite dishes, have come up. Yet the New Age sustainable city with its large industrial and service areas is yet to be constructed. The many sides of this project are difficult to grasp. Each perspective might focus on specific aspects of the project, its virtual (use of the internet), transnational, financial, religious, cultural, political dimensions and on specific scales, local, national, regional and international. Amongst all these numerous manifestations of Sseesamirembe, we have chosen to focus more specifically on land-related issues. In a context of population growth and increasing land conflicts, we are dealing with specific occurrences in land accumulation, which illustrate processes constraining access to land for both investors and farmers/livestock-keepers in Uganda. User rights and property rights are constantly being renegotiated creating space for potential conflict. The leaders of the religious group have decided to appeal directly to the Stateâs generosity. Would it possible to imagine in todayâs Uganda the carving out of large domains, in a similar way to what happened at the start of colonization, in 1900, when land granted to important people in the kingdom, to territorial chiefs who represent the king, to Catholic and Anglican churches was measured in square miles? Some historians have shown how property was derived, in this context, from ruling and not from any other form of ownership; land titles were instrumental in this regard. For now the religious leadersâ quest for a large domain has not been successful. The case of Sseesamirembe reveals a somewhat common phenomenon which usually goes unnoticed: the mixture of virtual and real, the addition of players and co-existence of different worlds. There is nothing extraordinary about a religious movement constructing the image of an ideal city. Remaining vague about the actual extent of the land under its control, or even exaggerating, is a convenient ploy to attract interest and foreign investors seeking their own form of utopia, either rural or urban. False pretenses, non-realistic promises and manipulated figures are made to entice the appetite of local and national power-brokers who in turn contribute to new dreams of getting rich fast in very practical ways, though less grandiose (using public lands, land titles, capital from local and international investorsâŠ). The entanglement of religious utopias and âdevelopmentâ, the association of genuine investors, crooks, the possessed and the believers creates a new order where each and every one is trying to use others by feeding them with essentially virtual elements
Phospholipid Scramblase-1-Induced Lipid Reorganization Regulates Compensatory Endocytosis in Neuroendocrine Cells
Calcium-regulated exocytosis in neuroendocrine cells and neurons is accompanied by the redistribution of phosphatidylserine (PS) to the extracellular space, leading to a disruption of plasma membrane asymmetry. How and why outward translocation of PS occurs during secretion are currently unknown. Immunogold labeling on plasma membrane sheets coupled with hierarchical clustering analysis demonstrate that PS translocation occurs at the vicinity of the secretory granule fusion sites. We found that altering the function of the phospholipid scramblase-1 (PLSCR-1) by expressing a PLSCR-1 calcium-insensitive mutant or by using chromaffin cells from PLSCR-1â/âmice prevents outward translocation of PS in cells stimulated for exocytosis. Remarkably, whereas transmitter release was not affected, secretory granule membrane recapture after exocytosis was impaired, indicating that PLSCR-1 is required for compensatory endocytosis but not for exocytosis. Our results provide the first evidence for a role of specific lipid reorganization and calcium-dependent PLSCR-1 activity in neuroendocrine compensatory endocytosis
La mesure de la pauvreté des personnes ùgées en question : Ménages, répartition des ressources et systÚmes de solidarités en Ouganda
International audienceno abstrac
La dépendance en Afrique. Prise en charge familiale et accÚs aux soins de santé
En Afrique, les systĂšmes de retraite et de protection sociale ne touchent quâune partie minime des besoins. La santĂ© publique et lâoffre de soins en gĂ©nĂ©ral sont loin dâamener la santĂ© Ă la portĂ©e de tous. Les personnes ĂągĂ©es dĂ©pendantes font trĂšs souvent lâobjet dâune prise en charge familiale, mais nâont que peu accĂšs aux soins de santĂ© moderne. Les systĂšmes de soutien familiaux se construisent autour des descendants et dâautres proches, mais connaissent parfois des limites que lâĂtat peine Ă compenser
Critical perspectives on marriage and unions in DHS surveys in Kenya and Uganda
In most societies, it is through marriage that families access alliance and filiation. Marriage is a major step in life, for both men and women, and it is also the institution that enables family systems to perpetuate. However, there are striking differences in the way societies are structured.
In East Africa, patrilinearity dominates the scene. Inheritance rights are conveyed to the next generation more or less exclusively through marriage and fertility. For instance, among the Gusii or the Kikuyu, it is first and foremost through marriage that wealth is transmitted to children. Marriage formalisation is a process that often takes time, from the first negociations around bridewealth to the full recognition of the married couple and their children. As bridewealth tends to increase with time, education and employment, it is discussed later and later in life inspite of this being a key step in a coupleâs life. Yet, in other patrilineal societies, the transmission of wealth doesnât necessarily involve marriage. If marriage remains at stake for every member of the society, in terms of status and recognition, it is not as vital economically. This is for instance the case in Buganda, where bridewealth is more symbolic and children born out of wedlock can actually inherit from their fathers.
This paper is based on a comparative analysis of Demographic and Health Surveys in Kenya and Uganda, regarding union and marriage statuses. Although Demographic and Health Surveys are harmonised surveys the samples and the questions asked about marital status differ slightly over time and country. The results show striking differences in the proportions married and their trends between Kenya and Uganda. Do these differences come from the way the questions are asked? the way they are understood? What does it imply in terms of data collection or interviewee declarations ? Are these figures the results of normative gaps between Uganda and Kenya? IIs there a marriage crisis in Uganda? The goal of this paper is to systematically raise such questions and bring elements of answers through a systematic confrontation of results with survey questionnaires and manuals and litterature
Vers une nouvelle définition des relations intergénérationnelles en milieu rural gusii (Sud-ouest du Kenya)
L'Ă©volution rapide des sociĂ©tĂ©s des pays du Sud conduit Ă des situations conflictuelles, Ă tous les niveaux de la sociĂ©tĂ©, qu'il est important de .mieux comprendre et de distinguer les unes des autres. Au niveau des individus et des groupes sociaux, le dĂ©calage entre des normes sociales peu flexibles et un contexte politico-Ă©conomique trĂšs changeant ouvre la brĂšche Ă des comportements extrĂȘmement variĂ©s. Ce chapitre porte sur l'Ă©volution des relations entre gĂ©nĂ©rations au sein des familles gusii, dans le sud-ouest du Kenya, au cours des derniĂšres dĂ©cennies
- âŠ