98 research outputs found

    The Logic of Social Cooperation for Mutual Advantage - The Democratic Contract

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    This is the peer reviewed version of the following article: Castiglione, D. (2015), The Logic of Social Cooperation for Mutual Advantage – The Democratic Contract. Political Studies Review, 13: 161–175, which has been published in final form at 10.1111/1478-9302.12080. This article may be used for non-commercial purposes in accordance with Wiley Terms and Conditions for Self-Archiving: http://olabout.wiley.com/WileyCDA/Section/id-820227.html#termsThis article offers a brief summary of Albert Weale's (2013) book on democratic justice and the social contract and discusses in more detail its central argument about the democratic social contract, which rests on mutual advantage, deliberative rationality and rough bargaining equality. The article contextualises Weale's argument, showing how it emerged from his own scepticism towards previous social contract theories. It explores the distinctiveness of Weale's own social contract theory, discussing its main aspects: its logic, its rationality and its legitimacy. The piece concludes by offering two brief critical arguments about issues of method (the 'empirical' approach) and substance (the philosophical anthropology of the social contract)

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    The culture of toleration in diverse societies

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    The idea of toleration as the appropriate response to difference has been central to liberal thought since Locke. Although the subject has been widely and variously explored, there has been reluctance to acknowledge the new meaning that current debates on toleration have when compared with those at its origins in the early modern period and with subsequent discussions about pluralism and freedom of expression. This collection starts from a clear recognition of the new terms of the debate. It recognises that a new academic consensus is slowly emerging on a view of tolerance that is reasonable in two senses. Firstly of reflecting the capacity of seeing the other's viewpoint, secondly on the relatively limited extent to which toleration can be granted. It reflects the cross-thematic and cross-disciplinary nature of such discussions, dissecting a number of debates such as liberalism and communitarianism, public and private, multiculturalism and the politics of identity, and a number of disciplines: moral, legal and political philosophy, historical and educational studies, anthropology, sociology and psychology. A group of distinguished authors explore the complexities emerging from the new debate. They scrutinise, with analytical sophistication, the philosophical foundation, the normative content and the broadly political implications of a new culture of toleration for diverse societies. Specific issues considered include the toleration of religious discrimination in employment, city life and community, social ethos, publicity, justice and reason and ethics. The book is unique in resolutely looking forward to the theoretical and practical challenges posed by commitment to a conception of toleration demanding empathy and understanding in an ever-diversifying world

    A New Ecology of Democratic Representation? Eight Theoretical Issues

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    This is a freely available open access publication.n/

    Cation composition effects on oxide conductivity in the Zr_2Y_2O_7-Y_3NbO_7 system

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    Realistic, first-principles-based interatomic potentials have been used in molecular dynamics simulations to study the effect of cation composition on the ionic conductivity in the Zr2Y2O7-Y3NbO7 system and to link the dynamical properties to the degree of lattice disorder. Across the composition range, this system retains a disordered fluorite crystal structure and the vacancy concentration is constant. The observed trends of decreasing conductivity and increasing disorder with increasing Nb5+ content were reproduced in simulations with the cations randomly assigned to positions on the cation sublattice. The trends were traced to the influences of the cation charges and relative sizes and their effect on vacancy ordering by carrying out additional calculations in which, for example, the charges of the cations were equalised. The simulations did not, however, reproduce all the observed properties, particularly for Y3NbO7. Its conductivity was significantly overestimated and prominent diffuse scattering features observed in small area electron diffraction studies were not always reproduced. Consideration of these deficiencies led to a preliminary attempt to characterise the consequence of partially ordering the cations on their lattice, which significantly affects the propensity for vacancy ordering. The extent and consequences of cation ordering seem to be much less pronounced on the Zr2Y2O7 side of the composition range.Comment: 22 pages, 8 figures, submitted to Journal of Physics: Condensed Matte

    A cosmopolitan temptation

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    For some, the transnationalization of political action and communicative space in the European Union heralds an emergent cosmopolitan order. Need that be so? There are supranational institutions in the EU as well as transnational political and cultural spaces and cross-border communicative flows. However, the Union's member states remain key controllers of citizenship rights and purveyors of collective identities. And for many purposes they still maintain strongly bounded national public spheres. Because the EU's overall character as a polity remains unresolved, this has consequences for the organization of communicative spaces. The EU is a field of tensions and contradictions that is inescapably rooted in institutional realities. Wishful thinking about cosmopolitanism can get in the way of clear analysis

    The democratic production of political cohesion: partisanship, institutional sesign and life form

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    Online: 27 November 2018What binds a democratic society together? This would seem a well-rehearsed topic in modern political theory, but on closer scrutiny, it may appear less so. If we reformulate the question, it may become clearer why: what binds democratic society together? The emphasis on ‘democratic’ is the clue here. Much recent discussion on the cohesive force in democracies has been parasitic on other debates, such as that between cosmopolitans and communitarians on justice as the first virtue of society; that between nation-state-based and post-national views of contemporary politics or that about the cultural aspects of democratic citizenship as the glue that makes democracy work. All such views and debates tend to assume a somewhat ‘externalist’ perspective, so to speak, of the problem of cohesion in democracies. Cosmopolitans and liberal communitarians have argued over the relative importance of values and identity as the basis for the stability of a just society, whose legitimate political arrangements they generally agree must be democratic, so as to reflect the demands of equality and self-government. Disputes over whether the institutions of democracy still require the background conditions provided by the nation-state, with its consolidated networks of party system, solidarity, civil society organisations and public opinion formation, or whether similar conditions can be reproduced at a more trans- and post-national level, are very similar in scope to those between cosmopolitans and liberal communitarians. Both these disputes concern the social, institutional, ideal or identitarian pre-conditions of democracy, which help it to work with a modicum of stability, in so far as they guarantee the political cohesion of either the demos or the regime itself. Discussions over the quality and competence of citizenship look at democratic culture as an important condition for democratic institutions and procedures to function smoothly and effectively. Debates over the ‘civic culture’ in the 1960s and more recently on ‘social capital’ lay emphasis on a mixture of attitudes, practices, participation in associational networks and consolidated norms of sociability as formative components of democratic citizenship, on which the working of democratic institutions and rules depends. This suggests something more internal, or at least a virtuous circle between the culture and the institutions of democracy. But is democracy itself capable of producing political cohesion, and on what basis

    Wild-type transthyretin cardiac amyloidosis is not rare in elderly subjects: the CATCH screening study

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    Background: Wild-type transthyretin cardiac amyloidosis (ATTRwt-CA) affects older adults and is currently considered as a rare disorder. Objective: We investigated for the first time the prevalence of ATTRwt-CA in elderly individuals from the general population. Methods: General practitioners from Pisa, Italy, proposed a screening for ATTRwt-CA to all their patients aged 65-90 years, until 1,000 accepted. The following red flags were searched: interventricular septal thickness ≥12 mm, any echocardiographic, ECG or clinical hallmark of CA, or high sensitivity-troponin T ≥14 ng/L. Individuals with at least one red flag (n=346) were asked to undergo the search for a monoclonal protein and bone scintigraphy, and 216 accepted. Results: Four patients received a non-invasive diagnosis of ATTRwt-CA. All complained of dyspnea on moderate effort. A woman and a man aged 79 and 85 years, respectively, showed an intense cardiac tracer uptake (grade 3), left ventricular (LV) wall thickening, grade 2 to 3 diastolic dysfunction, and N-terminal pro-B-type natriuretic peptide (NT-proBNP) >1,000 ng/L. Two other patients (a man aged 74 years and a woman aged 83 years) showed a grade 2 uptake, an increased LV septal thickness, but preserved diastolic function, and NT-proBNP <300 ng/L. The prevalence of ATTR-CA in subjects ≥65 years was calculated as 0.46% (i.e., 4 out of the 870 subjects completing the screening, namely 654 not meeting the criteria for Step 2 and 216 progressing to Step 2). Conclusions: ATTRwt-CA is uncommon in elderly subjects from the general population, but more frequent than expected for a rare disease
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