87 research outputs found
Una retórica progresista para un urbanismo conservador: la protección de los centros históricos en América Latina
El objetivo de este capitulo es el análisis de las polĂticas que crearon los centros histĂłricos como objetos urbanĂsticos durante los cuarenta Ăşltimos años. Para entender estas polĂticas, es importante entender previamente que los centros histĂłricos fueron identificados sĂłlo recientemente (a partir de los años 1970), al mismo tiempo que los centros "modernos" de negocios que salieron del horizonte de las antiguas ciudades coloniales como para simbolizar el acceso a la modernidad econĂłmica y cultural global. Por lo cual, el centro histĂłrico es una creaciĂłn moderna tanto como el centro de negocio
De la gated-community au lotissement géant mexicain: Une version bon marché de la fermeture résidentielle
International audienceÂżCĂłmo se difunde el modelo estadounidense de la urbanizaciĂłn cerrada en AmĂ©rica Latina? En los años 60 aparecen los primeros conjuntos residenciales cerrados dirigidos hacia las clases medias y superiores; alcanzan las clases populares a mitad de los noventas: en MĂ©xico surge entonces un nuevo tipo de conjuntos habitacionales, de interĂ©s social, con dimensiones gigantescas, y bajo modalidades abaratadas del encierre. En este artĂculo buscamos las diferentes implicaciones de la reapropiaciĂłn de este concepto en las prácticas de una poblaciĂłn que no beneficia de las mismas capacidades econĂłmicas y culturales para asumir el encierre originalmente apuntado por este tipo de urbanizaciĂłn.Comment se diffuse le modèle de l'urbanisation enclose Ă©tats-unienne en AmĂ©rique Latine ? Les annĂ©es 70-80 voient naĂ®tre les premiers ensembles rĂ©sidentiels fermĂ©s, qui s'adressent Ă la classe moyenne supĂ©rieure, avant de se dĂ©mocratiser au milieu des annĂ©es 90 : on voit alors apparaĂ®tre, Ă Mexico un nouveau type d'ensembles de logements bon marchĂ© aux dimensions gigantesques, qui dĂ©cline des modalitĂ©s allĂ©gĂ©es de la fermeture. Au travers des pratiques d'une population n'ayant pas les mĂŞmes moyens Ă©conomiques et culturels pour assumer la fermeture, que celle originellement visĂ©e par ce modèle, on cherchera les implications d'un concept remaniĂ©
Identidades urbanas y culturas pĂşblicas en la globalizaciĂłn: Centros comerciales paisajĂsticos en RĂo de Janeiro y MĂ©xico
International audienceThis paper aims to explore the relationships (in terms of uses and identification) concerning two Latin-American middle class mega cities (Rio de Janeiro and Mexico City) and two open and landscape shopping centers. Through exploring methods which are inspired from Pascal Amphoux's works on social construction of ambiencies we assert that malls are commonly frequented as spaces of a public and relatively shared use that assure tranquility and produce some urban order. For visitors, it is the way to visually identify shopping places and differentiate them from other urban spaces. Nevertheless, there is a clear social differentiation among shopping centers' visitors, which reflect the construction of taste.El presente artĂculo indaga la relaciĂłn (en tĂ©rminos de usos e identificaciĂłn) entre las clases medias de dos grandes metrĂłpolis latinoamericanas (RĂo de Janeiro y la Ciudad de MĂ©xico) y dos plazas comerciales paisajĂsticas y al aire libre. Con base en mĂ©todos exploratorios inspirados en los trabajos de Pascal Amphoux acerca de la construcciĂłn social de ambiencias, se sostiene que los centros comerciales, como espacios de usos pĂşblicos y de convivencia, tienen una concurrencia generalizada, garantizan la tranquilidad de los visitantes y producen cierto orden urbano, caracterĂsticas que permiten la identificaciĂłn visual de estos lugares como plazas comerciales en comparaciĂłn con otro tipo de espacios urbanos.Sin embargo, habitualmente existe una clara diferenciaciĂłn social entre la concurrencia de las plazas de comercio, lo cual remite a la construcciĂłn social del gusto
No. 22: Inclusive Growth and Informal Food Vending in Mexico City, Mexico
This report aims to shed further light on the food system of Mexico City’s Metropolitan Zone (referred to in this report as “the ZMCM”). The report is part of a research program on food security in cities of the Global South within the Hungry Cities Partnership (HCP) and builds on earlier HCP publications including The Urban Food System of Mexico City, Mexico (Capron et al 2017), The State of Household Food Security in Mexico City, Mexico (Capron et al 2018), and Urban Food Deserts in Nairobi and Mexico City (Wagner et al 2019). It also contributes to the comparative analysis of food security and food systems in the seven cities under study as part of the HCP. The other cities are Maputo, Mozambique; Kingston, Jamaica; Nairobi, Kenya; Cape Town, South Africa; Bangalore, India; and Nanjing, China.
Small-scale street commerce has spread throughout the ZMCM in recent decades. Street food stalls can be found at strategic points of constant foot traffic including in and around some of the city’s new inter-modal transit stations. Food vendors work at thousands of street corners and busy intersections across the city, or sell to car drivers as they wait at traffic lights or are stalled in the city’s notorious traffic jams. Informal vendors can also be found at bus and minibus stations, on pavement benches, outside hospitals, schools, markets, churches, and close to employment sites. While food sold by informal vendors often lacks minimum standards of hygiene and freshness and is therefore considered unhealthy, it is still consumed by clerical workers and other low-income residents. In mixed-use residential areas, a network of mobile food vendors on bicycles serve those working in low-wage jobs in construction, valet parking services, and private security for restaurants and bars. Also, on weekends, fresh produce is sold directly by producers from the back of their trucks to local residents in many different neighbourhoods
Trottoir : les multiples facettes d’un espace public de loisirs. Le cas de Mexico
Nous exposons dans cet article la variété des formes spatiales et représentations sociales sous lesquelles divers types de loisirs se déploient sur les trottoirs dans l’agglomération de Mexico. Dans ce contexte d’importantes inégalités socio-spatiales, les aménagements de cet espace public qui fait partie de la voirie restent dominés, sauf exception, par l’impératif fonctionnel et l’ordre public de la circulation. La présence de diverses formes d’usages de loisir pose la question de leur légitimité à occuper le trottoir. Nous avons exploité les résultats d’une recherche collective que nous avons coordonnée sur la production sociale et matérielle des trottoirs à Mexico et tirons de cette analyse quelques orientations pour des politiques plus adaptées à la prise en compte des usages et des demandes des citadins.In this article we expose the variety of spatial forms and social representations under which numerous types of leisure activities are deployed on the sidewalks in the Mexico City metropolitan area. In this context of important socio-spatial inequalities and where the development of this public space, which is part of the roadway network, remains dominated, except in exceptional cases, by the functional imperative and the public order of traffic, we raise the question of the legitimacy of the different types of users to occupy it. We build upon the results of a collective research that we coordinated on the social and material production of sidewalks in Mexico City, and from this analysis we draw some orientations for policies that are more adapted to taking into account the uses and demands of city dwellers
No. 13: The State of Household Food Security in Mexico City, Mexico
This report presents and analyzes the findings of a household food security survey conducted by Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana as part of the Hungry Cities Partnership in Mexico City from January 10-19, 2016. It is a supplement to HCP Report No. 7: The Urban Food System of Mexico City, Mexico (Capron et al 2017). HCP Report No. 7 discusses the history, demography and economy of Mexico City, and contains an overview of the existing literature on its changing food system. This report provides a foundation for future research of Mexico City’s food system, its food security and informal sector. It also contributes to comparative studies among the seven cities of the Hungry Cities Partnership project, which are Cape Town, South Africa; Maputo, Mozambique; Nairobi, Kenya; Bangalore, India; Nanjing, China; Kingston, Jamaica; and Mexico City.
The report consists of six major sections. Following this introduction is an overview of the sampling strategies and methodologies of the city-wide survey in Mexico City. Section Three profiles the surveyed households included in the sample, including demographic characteristics, economic data, livelihoods and occupations, poverty indicators, and the use of social grants. Section Four discusses the prevalence of food insecurity in Mexico City using various food insecurity measurements: the Household Food Insecurity Access Scale (HFIAS), the Household Food Insecurity Access Prevalence (HFIAP) measure; the Household Dietary Diversity Score (HDDS); and the Months of Adequate Household Food Provisioning (MAHFP) indicator. Section Five explores factors affecting food insecurity, impacts of food price changes on food accessibility for households, and the relationship between food security and household characteristics. Section Six examines Mexico City’s food system from the point of view of households’ use of various food sources, including what they buy and how they perceive supermarkets and urban agriculture. In addition, it explores household production and consumption patterns using the Hungry Cities Food Purchases Matrix (HCFPM), which collects detailed information on the purchasing patterns of 32 individual food items
No. 07: The Urban Food System of Mexico City, Mexico
This report provides an overview of Greater Mexico City and its food system. The city’s history, demographic characteristics, geography and economy are first discussed. The city’s urban food system and urban food security are then examined with a particular focus on formal and informal food retail, food expenditure patterns, and policies to combat hunger and food insecurity. Meeting the daily food demands of Mexico City’s over 20 million inhabitants requires the agricultural production of Mexico’s rural areas, its fishing industry and food imports. Food products arrive in the city from around the country in a combination of traditional and highly sophisticated modern systems of food supply and distribution. Structural changes in recent decades have led to modifications in the systems of supply, distribution and food consumption with vertically integrated companies now controlling aspects of the food chain. The system of supply and marketing of food products is also characterized by competition between public markets, large wholesale and retail companies, and neighbourhood convenience stores. While levels of household food insecurity (undernutrition) are lower than in other global cities of the South, Mexico City faces an epidemic of overnutrition, obesity and non-communicable diseases
PlaneaciĂłn urbana y comercio en la periferia de clases medias altas. Los emprendimientos comerciales en una metrĂłpoli del sur (RĂo de Janeiro)
This paper tries to assess the role played by mall development on urban space, as well as in the production of “new” suburbia for the upper-middle classes. The analysis will particularly focus on malls whose architectural design allegedly offers good urban quality and respect for environmental concerns. The laissez-faire attitude, far from being a lack of regulation or a mere roll-out of the public authorities from the management and planning of the peripheries, appears to be a specific way of intervening in certain spaces. In other spaces, such as downtown areas, public authorities wish on the contrary to be visible. Luxury commerce appears as a good tool for social stakeholders to gain visibility in different territories. The paper’s empirical dimension is informed by the case study of a mall located in Barra da Tijuca in Rio de Janeiro, where the local choreography of power between the various stakeholders tends to reflect the one that takes place at other scales (zonal and urban), since they are embedded in a municipal corpus of norms, regulations and discourses
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