The survival of kemalism

Kemalism is the founding myth of the Turkish Republic, and secularism is an integral part of it. It has become a « reference ideology » for all subsequent generations and to the present, in the sense that all discourses in political contest, including the Islamist, situate themselves in relation to it. The taboos it imposed on these discourses, notably that on the advocacy of the ºeriat, remain largely unbroken except by outright rebels and « extremists ». The respectable leaders of the Islamist party pay lip service to it, and even claim its mantel in defence of the Turkish nation and the state as its core, but with the addition of Islam as an essential component of heritage. In practice, however, this ideological hegemony has been gradually eroded from the 1950's, but significantly in recent times, not only by the rise and electoral success of Islamic political advocacy, but also throught the prominence of different Muslim forces and institutions in various spheres of public life and dicourse : education, media, publishing, political parties and government service and in terms of general public visibility. This has led to the sharpening of social tensions between the religious and the secular, superimposed on divisions of class, styles of life and regional affiliations. The affirmation of Kemalism and secularism becomes an essential line of defence for the Westernized bourgeoisie of the main cities and the institutions they control, especially in the media and the political class, and the military is their main refuge

Исламская Реформация?

We keep hearing calls for an ‘Islamic Reformation’, assumed to be the remedy for a fundamentalist Islam behind the conservative Salafi brand as well as the Jihadist. Islam, under these assumptions, generates problems because it had not been ‘reformed’. The assumed model is the Christian Reformation of the sixteenth century, the Protestant reformers, Luther, Calvin and their followers. Informed writers on religion and history have pointed out the problematic nature of these suppositions, with regard to the histories of both Christianity and Islam.Мы постоянно слышим призывы к «исламской Реформации», которая якобы должна спасти нас от джихадистского и фундаменталистского ислама под флагом консервативного салафизма. Предполагается, что ислам порождает проблемы, потому что он не был «реформирован». Ситуация описывается по модели протестантской Реформации XVI века, реформации Лютера, Кальвина и их последователей. Но авторы, хорошо знающие религию и историю, указывают на проблематичность этой аналогии – как с христианской, так и с исламской стороны

Glycoside hydrolases for extraction and modification of polyphenolic antioxidants

Antioxidants are important molecules that are widely used by humans, both as dietary supplements and as additives to different types of products. In this chapter, we review how flavonoids, a class of polyphenolic antioxidants that are often found in glycosylated forms in many natural resources, can be extracted and modified using glycoside hydrolases (GHs). Glycosylation is a fundamental enzymatic process in nature, affecting function of many types of molecules (glycans, proteins, lipids as well as other organic molecules such as the flavonoids). Possibilities to control glycosylation thus mean possibilities to control or modify the function of the molecule. For the flavonoids, glycosylation affect both the antioxidative power and solubility. In this chapter we overview results on in vitro deglycosylation and glycosylation of flavonoids by selected GHs. For optimal enzymatic performance, desired features include a correct specificity for the target, combined with high stability. Poor specificity towards a specific substituent is thus a major drawback for enzymes in particular applications. Efforts to develop the enzymes as conversion tools are reviewed

Secularism, Racism and the Politics of Belonging

This collection of papers is a reflection of an ongoing debate about the relationships between religion, the citizen and the state. It is a debate that is far from settled, and indeed one which may be unsettling, but a debate which too often generates more heat than light. It is, however, a crucial discussion since it goes to the heart of our understanding of modern citizenship, the role of the state and the struggle for equality. Runnymede was especially pleased to partner with colleagues at the Centre for Refugees, Migration and Belonging (CRMB) at the University of East London in co-hosting the two conferences from which these papers are drawn. CRMB’s serious and engaged approach to relating political theory to political action enabled academics, commentators and practitioners to share a platform where disagreements were aired and constructive debate and discussion enabled. We hope that the conferences act as a model for the deliberations which are necessary to address the thorny challenges raised by the authors. Many of these disagreements are reflected in the papers presented here. The collected papers discuss faith-based schooling, the veil, honour based violence, religious arbitration, and the delivery of public services by faith communities. All of these issues remain very much alive in contemporary public policy debates in the UK and beyond

Islamism and the state after the Arab uprisings: Between people power and state power

The authors would like to thank the Arts and Humanities Research Council for facilitating the research for this article through their support of the research network People Power versus State Power of the Centre for the Advanced Study of the Arab World.This paper examines the trajectories of different Islamist trends in the light of the Arab uprisings. It proposes a distinction between statist and non-statist Islamism to help understand the multiplicity of interactions between Islamists and the state, particularly after 2011. It is outlined how statist Islamists (Islamist parties principally) can contribute to the stabilization and democratization of the state when their interactions with other social and political actors facilitate consensus building in national politics. By contrast when these interactions are conflictual, it has a detrimental impact on both the statist Islamists, and the possibility of democratic politics at the national level. Non statist-Islamists (from quietist salafi to armed jihadi) who prioritize the religious community over national politics are directly impacted by the interactions between statist Islamists and the state, and generally tend to benefit from the failure to build a consensus over democratic national politics. Far more than nationally-grounded statist Islamists, non-statist Islamists shape and are shaped by the regional dynamics on the Arab uprisings and the international and transnational relations between the different countries and conflict areas of the Middle East. The Arab uprisings and their aftermath reshaped pre-existing national and international dynamics of confrontation and collaboration between Islamists and the state, and between statist and non-statists Islamists, for better (Tunisia) and for worse (Egypt).PostprintPeer reviewe

Sects in Islam

State-of-the-art survey of the sociology of religion by a team of international experts Fifty-one essays provide coverage on the relation of religion to most aspects of contemporary life Thematically arranged to aid teaching and study An essential primary reference point and spur to further research The most comprehensive and authoritative guide available The Oxford Handbook of the Sociology of Religion draws on the expertise of an international team of scholars providing both an entry point into the sociological study and understanding of religion and an in-depth survey into its changing forms and content in the contemporary world. The role and impact of religion and spirituality on the politics, culture, education and health in the modern world is rigorously discussed and debated. The study of the sociology of religion forges interdisciplinary links to explore aspects of continuity and change in the contemporary interface between society and religion. Using a combination of theoretical, methodological and content-led approaches, the fifty-seven contributors collectively emphasise the complex relationships between religion and aspects of life from scientific research to law, ecology to art, music to cognitive science, crime to institutional health care and more. The developing character of religion, irreligion and atheism and the impact of religious diversity on social cohesion are explored. An overview of current scholarship in the field is provided in each themed chapter with an emphasis on encouraging new thinking and reflection on familiar and emergent themes to stimulate further debate and scholarship. The resulting essay collection provides an invaluable resource for research and teaching in this diverse discipline

Beyond Islam: a new understanding of the Middle East

Book synopsis: In this magisterial work, Sami Zubaida draws on a distinguished career's worth of experience trying to understand the region to address the fundamental question in Middle East studies: what is the Middle East? He argues, controversially, that to see it through the prism of Islam, as it is conventionally viewed, is to completely misunderstand it. Many of what we think of as the 'Islamic' characteristics of the region are products of culture and society, not religion.To think of Islam itself as an essential, anti-modern force in the region rather than something shaped by specific historical-economic processes is, Zubaida argues, a mistake. Instead, he offers us an alternative view of the region, its historic cosmpolitanism, its religious and cultural diversity, its rapid adoption of new media cultures, which reveals a multi-faceted and complex region teeming with multiple identities. Wide-ranging, erudite and powerfully argued, Zubaida's work will be essential reading for future generations of students of this fascinating region

Al-Jawâhîrî: between patronage and revolution

La vie du poète Muhammad Mahdi al-Jawâhîrî coïncide avec l’histoire du xxe siècle et reflète les évènements fondateurs de la société et de l’État irakiens modernes, particulièrement dans la première moitié du siècle. Il fut partie prenante de la classe politique naissante associée à l’État et de la sphère publique dominée par cet État. Il fut un acteur éminent dans le champ de la littérature et du journalisme, il participa activement aux débats et aux intrigues qui ont caractérisé la vie du pays. Certains épisodes de sa vie illustrent l’imaginaire du nouvel Irak autant que ses tendances centrifuges et communautaires. Ils illustrent aussi les tournants de la vie publique et de la littérature, de la protection des puissants et des riches à un souci vers le “public”. Un public dont la conception fut marquée par les mouvements politiques en ascension, particulièrement les communistes et la gauche, auxquels Jawâhirî était très attachés

Violence ethnique en Irak. L'affaire des Assyriens de 1933

L'épisode du massacre des Assyriens de 1933 est révélateur de certaines tensions sociales et idéologiques dans le processus de formation d'un État-nation à partir d'une multiplicité de communautés ethniques et religieuses, avec pour cadre le territoire ottoman et sous les auspices des puissances coloniales européennes. Les récits et les explications de ces événements qu'en ont donnés les observateurs d'alors, puis les historiens et les commentateurs, révèlent également les perspectives idéolo..