Al-Sanūsiyya al-Sughrā (Short Version of Al-Sanusiyya)

The entire manuscript is available for download as a single PDF file. Higher-resolution images may be available upon request. For technical assistance, please contact [email protected]. Fieldwork Team: Dr. Mustapha Hashim Kurfi (Principal Investigator), Mohammed Bara’u Musa & Hauwa Usman (Local Project Managers), Adamu Mohammed, Abacha Kachalla, Abdrra’uf Abdullahi & Falmaa Madu Ibrahim (General Field Facilitators), and Haladu Mamman (Photographer). Technical Team: Prof. Fallou Ngom (Director African Studies Center), and Eleni Castro (Technical Lead, BU Libraries). These Collections of Fulfulde & Kanuri Ajami materials are copied as part of the African Studies Center’s African Ajami Library. Access Condition and Copyright: These materials are subject to copyright. All rights reserved to the author. For use, distribution or reproduction contact Professor Fallou Ngom ([email protected]). Citation: Materials in this web edition should be cited as: Kurfi, Mustapha Hashim, Ngom, Fallou, and Castro, Eleni (2019). African Ajami Library: Digital Preservation of Fulfulde & Kanuri Ajami Materials of Northeastern Nigeria. Boston: Boston University Libraries: http://hdl.handle.net/2144/38242. For Inquiries: Please contact Professor Fallou Ngom ([email protected]).Provenance / Custodial history: The owner is Arikime Buba from Maiduguri in Borno State. Arikime inherited the manuscript from his father, Goni Buba, who died in 1988. The family had shared the inheritance of Goni Buba, and this manuscript and other items went to Arikime. There is no date of publication of the text, but the owner said that he grew up knowing that it was part of his father’s personal collection.This manuscript is a copy of the work of Shaykh Muḥammad b. Yūsuf al-Sanūsī (aka Abū ʿAbdullāh) with extensive explicatory marginal and interlinear Kanuri glosses. This short book is popularly known as Al-Sanūsiyya. There are many versions of the work, including those that have detailed commentaries. But this version is the short form. It is a foundational text on tawḥīd (oneness of Allāh). Al-Sanūsiyya al-Sughrā has been a popular work that is read, memorized, and chanted by students of the tsangaya traditional Islamic schools. It deals with attributes of Allāh and the features that are not His. It also deals with many messengers of Allāh and concludes with insights about Prophet Muḥammad. An outstanding feature in this manuscript is a pattern marking at the center (page 20) and on the cover page. Such markings are commonly found on Quranic manuscripts and not in books like this one. It was originally written in traditional ink.The contents of this collection were developed with support of the Title VI National Resource Center grant # P015A180164 from the U.S. Department of Education. However, those contents do not necessarily represent the policy of the U.S. Department of Education, and you should not assume endorsement by the Federal Government

Comunità cristiane nell’islam arabo. La sfida del futuro

Preesistenti all'islamizzazione del Medio Oriente, le comunità cristiane costituiscono tuttora un importante elemento di pluralismo, sebbene oggi a rischio di sopravvivenza, nelle società arabe a maggioranza musulmana. Il volume presenta il ruolo storico delle comunità cristiane orientali nelle rispettive società arabe, la loro funzione di intermediazione culturale tra Oriente e Occidente e la discriminazione giuridica e sociale subìta con l'avvento dell'islam.- Indice #4- Introduzione, Andrea Pacini #10- Gli arabi cristiani: dalla questione d’Oriente alla recente geopolitica delle minoranze, Joseph Maïla #38- I cristiani arabi dell’Oriente: una prospettiva demografica, Philippe Fargues #64- Le comunità cristiane, soggetti attivi della società araba nel corso della storia, Samir Khalil Samir #84- Le chiese del Medio Oriente: origini e identità, tra radicamento nel passato e apertura al presente, Jean Corbon #110- Il diritto dello stato/nazione e lo status dei non musulmani in Egitto e in Siria, Bernard Botiveau #130- L’emigrazione degli arabi cristiani: dimensioni e cause dell’esodo, Bernard Sabella #148- La produzione culturale dei cristiani arabi oggi: espressione di identità nella società a maggioranza musulmana, Camille Hechaïmé #178- Le dinamiche politiche dei copti: rendere la comunità un protagonista atti, Dina El Khawaga #196- La posizione e il ruolo attuale dei copti nell’economia egiziana: tradizioni e specializzazioni, Adel A. Beshai #216- Le dinamiche dei cristiani libanesi: tra il paradigma delle ‘āmmiyyāt e il paradigma Hwayyek, Elizabeth Picard #226- Le comunità cristiane e la situazione economica e sociale in Libano, Boutros Labaki #250- Dinamiche comunitarie e sociopolitiche dei cristiani arabi in Giordania, in Israele e nei territori palestinesi autonomi, Andrea Pacini #290- I cristiani di Siria, Habib Moussalli #320- I cristiani in Iraq, Yūsuf Habbi #330- Il contributo delle comunità arabo-cristiane al futuro delle società arabe del Medio Oriente: alcune prospettive, Maurice Borrmans #342- I riti delle chiese orientali #356- Glossario #376- Riferimenti bibliografici #40

Lettre relative à la location d’une chambreau début du iiie/ixe siècle

Dans une lettre sur papyrus conservée à la Chester Beatty Library (Dublin) et datable du début du ixe siècle apr. J.-C., l’expéditeur demande d’abord à son correspondant de louer sa chambre dont le locataire est parti pour 8 dinars l’an, sinon pour 7 ou 6, mais de ne pas la laisser vide ; puis de récupérer 16 dinars provenant de la vente d’une perle.In a letter written on papyrus, conserved at the Chester Beatty Library (Dublin) and datable to the early 9th century BC, the addressee is asked, first, to rent out a room liberated by its tenant for 8 dinars a year, or even 7 or 6, so as not to leave it vacant, and second, to recover 16 dinars due for the sale of a pear

Une lettre de Šaǧar al‑Durr au futur sultan Quṭuz

Cet article contient une lettre exceptionnelle conservée au Louvre. Dictée par Šaǧar al‑Durr après son abdication à un secrétaire apparemment d'origine turque, elle fut envoyée à Sayf al-Dīn Quṭuz le grand mamelouk du sultan Aybak son époux qui était alors le commandant en chef de l’« armée de Dieu ».This paper contains an exceptional letter kept in the Louvre. Dictated by Šaǧar al‑Durr after her abdication to a secretary apparently of Turkish origin, it was sent to Sayf al‑Dīn Quṭuz the great mamluk of the Sultan Aybak her husband who was at that time the commander-in-chief of the “Army of God”

Une commande d’articles à Fustat rédigée dans le dernier tiers du iie siècle de l’Islam ou le premier du suivant

Le fragment de papyrus Jean David-Weill 22 conservé au Louvre, que l’écriture permet d’assigner au dernier tiers du iie/viiie siècle ou au premier tiers du suivant, porte au recto une liste d’articles commandés à Fustat, et au verso le détail de la marchandise envoyée, accompagné des prix et des frais de transport.The fragment of papyrus Jean David-Weill 22 preserved at the Louvre, assigned by the writing to the last third of the 2nd/8th century or the first third of the 3rd/9th century, carries on the recto a list of items ordered in Fustat and on the back the detail of the merchandise sent, accompanied by prices and transport costs

[Fī sabīl Lubnān]

Mode of access: Internet

Les marchands itinérants du monde musulman

Ragheb Youssef. Les marchands itinérants du monde musulman. In: Actes des congrès de la Société des historiens médiévistes de l'enseignement supérieur public, 26ᵉ congrès, Aubazine, 1996. Voyages et voyageurs au Moyen Age. pp. 177-215

Werner Diem, Arabische Privatbriefe des 9. bis 15. Jahrhunderts aus der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek in Wien. Documenta arabica antiqua 2, Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, 1996

Rāġib Yūsuf. Werner Diem, Arabische Privatbriefe des 9. bis 15. Jahrhunderts aus der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek in Wien. Documenta arabica antiqua 2, Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, 1996. In: Bulletin critique des annales islamologiques, n°15, 1999. pp. 194-197

Al-Farāfīr. Commedia in due atti

Basata sulla dialettica hegeliana del servo-maestro, questa commedia rappresenta, con il sarcasmo e l'ironia tipici del suo autore, una profonda riflessione sulle relazioni tra gli esseri umani. Partendo dall'esempio locale, con una pungente critica sulla condizione sociale e politica dell'Egitto negli anni Sessanta, i due protagonisti Farfūr e il Maestro guidano e coinvolgono lo spettatore in una considerazione sull'umanità e sul significato della vita che raggiunge carattere universale. Divisa in due atti, la commedia non ha indicazioni precise sul tempo e sullo spazio, confuso con il tempo della rappresentazione, anche grazie al coinvolgimento di attori che sono tra gli spettatori. Discutendo su nomi, scambi e relazioni interpersonali, i due protagonisti criticano la corruzione, la cattiva gestione della salute pubblica, le disuguaglianze sociali, ma anche la classe intellettuale che non riesce a dare risposte ai bisogni pratici delle persone. La divisione in due della società umana è ancora più evidente con il secondo atto, quando la riflessione dell'autore si sposta verso i sistemi organizzativi ed economici esistenti, smantellandone la complessità e riducendoli di nuovo in un semplice rapporto servo-padrone. Gli altri personaggi della commedia sono funzionali al discorso di Idrīs: mogli e figli, spettatori-attori e soprattutto la figura dell'autore, che gradualmente scompare e abbandona le sue stesse creature al loro destino.Based on the Hegelian dialectic of the servant-master, this comedy represents, with the sarcasm and irony typical of its author, a profound reflection on the relationships between human beings. Starting from the local, with a pungent criticism on the social and political condition of Egypt in the Sixties, the two protagonists Farfūr and the Master guide and involve the spectator in a consideration on humanity and on the meaning of life that reaches universality. Divided into two acts, the comedy has no precise indications about time and space, which is confused with the time of representation, also thanks to the involvement of actors who are among the spectators. Discussing each other on names, trades and interpersonal relationships, the two protagonists criticise corruption, poor management of public health, social inequalities, but also the intellectual class that fails to give answers to people’s practical needs. The division in two of human society is even more evident with the second act, when the author’s reflection moves towards the existing organisational and economic systems, dismantling the complexity and reducing them again to a mere servant-master relationship. The other characters of the play are functional to the discourse of Idrīs: wives and children, spectators-actors and especially the figure of the author, who gradually disappears and abandons his own creatures to their fate