The Perception of Complex Onsets in English: Universal Markedness?

Second language (L2) learners of English whose native languages have relatively simple syllable structure have a strong tendency to modify complex onsets in production. Past studies have shown that such modification is often correlated with sonority-based markedness. According to this principle, the marked bi-consonantal sequences are such that the sonority distance between the first consonant and the subsequent consonant is relatively small. For instance, /pl/ is considered to be less marked than /bl/ since the former has larger sonority distance. A question of interest here is whether such “markedness” would be applicable to the perception of complex onsets by Japanese-speaking learners of English. The current study tested Japanese L2 learners and American English controls in a categorial ABX discrimination test of 8 contrasts between nonsense words with consonant cluster onsets CC(C)VCV vs. CVC(C)VCV sequences (e.g., /spani/ vs. /sepani/) and included /sp, sk, pl, bl, kl, gl, spl, skl/ clusters. Results showed that overall accuracy by Japanese listeners was significantly poorer than for the Americans (72 % and 98% correct, respectively). Certain clusters were harder for Japanese listeners (e.g., 76% correct for /pl/ but 64% for /bl/). However, in general, relative difficulty was not accurately predicted by sonority-based markedness. Alternative hypotheses for relative perceptual difficulties include the acoustic characteristics of the stimulus materials and effects of native phonological structures

Perception of French Vowels by American English Adults With and Without French Language Experience

This study investigated the effects of language experience and consonantal context on American English (AE) listeners’ discrimination of contrasts involving Parisian French vowels /y, œ, u, i/. Vowels were produced in /rabVp/ and /rabVt/ nonsense disyllables in carrier phrases by 3 speakers and presented in a categorial AXB discrimination task. Two groups were tested: AE listeners who had studied French extensively beginning after age 13 (Exp) and non-French-speaking AE listeners (Inexp). The Exp group performed better than the Inexp group on /u-œ/, /i-y/ and /y-œ/ (mean errors: Exp=5%, Inexp=24%). However, for /u-y/, the groups did not differ (Exp=30% vs Inexp=24% errors). The Inexp group confused /i-y/ more often in bilabial context, but /u-y/ more often in alveolar context, whereas the Exp group confused /u-y/ in both contexts. Overall, the Inexp group performed better in bilabial than in alveolar context (16% vs 32% errors), whereas the Exp group revealed no context effect. Results suggest that learning a second language (L2) includes learning its coarticulatory rules. Implications for models of L2-speech perception are discussed

Percent correct of the four tones by age group.

<p>Note. “o” represents outliers while “*” represents extreme values.</p

Development of the accuracy rates of the 15 disyllabic tone combinations by children.

<p>Note. 5* represents five- and six-year-old children.</p

Development of Mandarin tones in children.

<p>(A) Development of the Overall Accuracy Rates of the Four Tones by Children. (B) Development of the Overall Accuracy Rates of the Disyllabic Tone Combinations by Children.</p

Stimuli.

<p>Stimuli.</p

Context effects on children’s tone production accuracy.

<p>Context effects on children’s tone production accuracy.</p

Percentage of children in each age group whose accuracy rates for the 15 disyllabic tone combinations were adult-like.

<p>Percentage of children in each age group whose accuracy rates for the 15 disyllabic tone combinations were adult-like.</p

Compatible and non-compatible tone combinations in disyllabic words.

<p>Compatible and non-compatible tone combinations in disyllabic words.</p