Boosting the Life Chances of Young Men of Color: Evidence From Promising Programs

In light of the momentum building to improve the fortunes of young men of color, this review examines what is known about this population -- particularly related to their struggles in the labor market -- and highlights programs that are shown by randomized controlled trials to be making a difference

Child Care Expenses Push Many Families Into Poverty

In this fact sheet, authors Marybeth Mattingly and Christopher Wimer use the Supplemental Poverty Measure to assess the extent to which child care costs are pushing families with young children into poverty or preventing them from escaping it. They focus on families with at least one child under age 6 who report any child care expenditures. They report that one third of poor families who pay for child care for their young children are pushed into poverty by their child care expenses. Families most often pushed into poverty by child care expenses include households with three or more children, those headed by a single parent, those with a black or Hispanic head of household, and those headed by someone with less than a high school degree or by someone who does not work full time. Their findings suggest that lowering out-of-pocket child care expenses for families with young children would serve to reduce poverty. Additionally, things like increased subsidies may expand access to higher quality child care or open the door to increased labor force participation

Child Care Expenses Make Middle-Class Incomes Hard to Reach

In this brief, authors Robert Paul Hartley, Marybeth Mattingly, and Christopher Wimer present estimates of the number of families that cannot maintain a middle-class income as a result of child care expenses. Estimates are based on 2013–2017 data from the Current Population Survey’s Annual Social and Economic Supplement, which corresponds to income and expenses during 2012–2016. They report that approximately 9 percent of working families with children under age 6 are pushed out of the middle class as a result of child care expenses. For working families with very young children (under age 3), 8 percent are pushed below the middle-class threshold. If all middle-class working families with young children were to pay what typical upper-middle and middle-class families pay for child care, roughly $6,900 per year on average, an additional 21 percent would be pushed below the middle-class threshold. They report that the current funding infrastructure for helping parents find and pay for affordable, quality child care is woefully inadequate. One way to support working families would be to increase funding for the Child Care and Development Fund, which is currently targeted toward families below the middle class

Data Snapshot: Poorer Working Families with Young Children and No Out-of-Pocket Child Care Struggle Financially

Low-income families with working parents face significant burdens paying for child care, which can function as a barrier to work and often means parents must rely on child care arrangements that are less formal and less stable

Doing More for Our Children: Modeling a Universal Child Allowance or More Generous Child Tax Credit

Child poverty in the United States remains stubbornly high, with 12.2 million children living in poverty in 2013. Nearly 17 percent of children in the United States lived in poverty in 2013 -- a higher rate than for other age groups, and considerably higher than the child poverty rate in other advanced industrialized countries. The U.S. deep child poverty rate -- children who live in families with incomes less than half of the poverty line -- was 4.5 percent of all children in 2013, meaning nearly 1 in 20 children live in families that cannot even afford half of what is considered a minimally adequate living.One key policy for reducing child poverty is the child tax credit (CTC) -- which reduces the child poverty rate from 18.8 percent to 16.5 percent of American children. There is broad acceptance of the importance of the CTC, and key expansions to the CTC were made permanent at the end of 2015. At a moment when leaders ranging from President Barack Obama to Speaker Paul Ryan are talking about poverty, now is an opportune time to explore policy options that would build on this success. This report models two approaches to reduce child poverty in the United States even further -- a universal child allowance and an expanded CTC.A universal child allowance is a cash benefit that is provided to all families with children without regard to their income, earnings, or other qualifying conditions, and that could be subject to taxes for families with high incomes. The U.S. child tax credit, in contrast, is provided only to families that meet a threshold for earnings, phasing in as earnings increase and then phasing out as earnings rise higher. While most other advanced industrialized countries have some kind of universal support for children, the United States does not.For each approach, we begin with a modest reform, and then model increasingly generous versions. In our simulations, we find that even the modest reforms generate important poverty reductions. Our results also make clear that the more we spend on these programs, the greater the reduction in poverty the United States can achieve

Trends in Child Poverty by Race/Ethnicity: New Evidence Using an Anchored Historical Supplemental Poverty Measure

Official poverty statistics have been criticized, however, for being based on an outdated measure of poverty (Blank, 2008; Citro and Michael, 1995). First put into use in the 1960s, the official poverty measure’s (OPM) concept of needs has been updated for inflation but still reflects the living standards, family budgets, and family structures of that time. Moreover, when tallying family resources, the OPM misses key government programs such as Food Stamps and tax credits that have expanded since the 1960s. For these reasons, the Census Bureau and the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) implemented an improved “supplemental poverty measure” (SPM) in 2011 (Short 2011) for calendar years 2009 and 2010. This SPM is now released annually alongside the OPM (see Short 2015 for the latest data as of this writing), but the Census Bureau has no plans to produce the measure historically. However, historical data on levels and trends in poverty are essential for better understanding the progress the country has made since Lyndon B. Johnson’s famous declaration of the War on Poverty in the 1960s. Understanding what has been successful in the past is important for assessing what might be successful in the future for amelioration of economic disadvantage. What’s more, success and its sources may vary by race/ethnicity. We use a historical version of the SPM to provide the first estimates of racial/ethnic differences in child poverty for the period 1970 to the present using this improved measure. We begin our analysis in 1970 because that is the first year we can reliably distinguish non-Hispanic whites, African-Americans, and Latinos (unfortunately, data limitations prevent us from examining other groups over the long term). We detail below our data and methods, then describe our main results, and conclude briefly. Data and Methods We use data from multiple years of the Current Population Survey’s Annual Social and Economic Supplement (also known as the March CPS) combined with data from the Consumer Expenditure Survey (CEX) to produce SPM estimates for the period 1970 to 2014. We use a methodology similar to that used by the Census Bureau and the Bureau of Labor Statistics in producing their SPM estimates, but with adjustments for differences in available data over time. Our methodology differs from the SPM in only one respect. Instead of using a poverty threshold that is re-calculated over time, we use today’s threshold and carry it back historically by adjusting it for inflation using the CPI-U-RS. Because this alternative measure is anchored with today’s SPM threshold, we refer to it as an anchored supplemental poverty measure, or anchored SPM for short. An advantage of an anchored SPM is that poverty trends resulting from such a measure can be explained only by changes in income and net transfer payments (cash or in kind). Trends in poverty based on a relative measure (e.g. SPM poverty), on the other hand, could be due to over time changes in thresholds. Thus, an anchored SPM arguably provides a cleaner measure of how changes in income and net transfer payments have affected poverty historically (Wimer et al., 2013).[1] [1] All analyses in this paper are also available using quasi-relative poverty thresholds; results are available upon request

Contaminants in Unionid Mussels from the Confluence of the Mississippi and Illinois Rivers

Unionid mussels were collected from three mussel beds near the confluence of the Mississippi and Illinois rivers in 2003 to evaluate concentrations of selected elements and organic compounds in three abundant species and to preliminarily investigate the relative contribution of these waterways to observed contaminant burdens. Copper (Cu), selenium (Se), and zinc (Zn) concentrations were higher and lead (Pb) concentrations were lower in Amblema plicata collected downstream of the confluence than in those collected upstream. Mean concentrations of nickel (Ni), total mercury (Hg), methylmercury (MeHg), Pb, and Zn varied by species. Concentrations of cadmium (Cd) decreased with age in A. plicata from two of three sites. Tissue concentrations of some elements, e.g., arsenic (As), Cd, Cu, Pb, Se, and Zn, were similar to or higher than those previously reported for unionid mussels from areas of contaminated sediment. Concentrations of Cd, Cu, and Zn in A. plicata were comparable to those collected from the Mississippi River approximately 450 and 900 km upstream from our study sites (Naimo et al. 1992). Although total Hg concentrations we observed were an order of magnitude lower than in that study, MeHg concentrations were above those associated with reductions in soft tissue mass in a study of Elliptio complanata (Salazar et al. 1995). A number of polychlorinated biphenyl (PCB) congeners were detected in A. plicata tissues, with 85% of detections occurring in mussels from downstream of the confluence. Concentrations of individual PCB congeners were ???33 ng/g ww and the maximum summed PCB congener concentration was 100.2 ng/g ww. Although few persistent pesticides were detected, -hexachlorocyclohexane (HCH) was detected in each of the species collected from below the confluence of the two rivers, and in A. plicata collected above it on both the Mississippi and Illinois rivers, at a maximum concentration of 103.5 ng/g ww. Aldrin, ??-HCH and dichlorodiphenyltrichloroethane (DDT) were detected in few of the specimens collected. The findings of this preliminary investigation suggest that unionid mussels from near the confluence of the Mississippi and Illinois rivers may be at risk of negative health effects of elevated exposure to certain environmental contaminants. Studies examining the health and productivity of unionid mussels from this area appear warranted.published or submitted for publicationis peer reviewe

Plan de trabajo sobre Cuba, Haití y República Dominicana

Anais do VI Encontro de Iniciação Científica e II Encontro Anual de Iniciação ao Desenvolvimento Tecnológico e Inovação – EICTI 2017 - 04 a 06 de outubro de 2017 - temática Ciências HumanasEl proyecto Transnacionalización del capital en América Central y el Caribe en el periodo de 1990-2015, vinculado al Grupo Interdisciplinar de Estudos e Pesquisa sobre Capitais Transnacionais, Estado, classes dominantes e conflitividade na América Latina e Caribe (GIEPTALC) – UNILA, busca desde un análisis interdisciplinar, encontrar la respuesta a varios interrogantes que se envuelve en torno a la configuración económica, social y de los gobiernos de los países de América Central y el Caribe. Además de ser, históricamente una zona que ha pasado por varias hegemonías desde la época colonial hasta los días actuales, nos permite entender que muchos de estos interrogantes surgen debido a este hecho que ha marcado las sociedades de la región. Esta investigación tiene como objetivo analizar, determinar y explicar las diferentes manifestaciones de transnacionalización económica en la región mencionada, con el fin de evidenciar cómo la implementación de este proceso repercutió en los ámbitos económicos, sociales y políticosUniversidade Federal da Integração Latino-Americana (Unila); Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq); Fundação Araucária; Parque Tecnológico Itaipu (PTI) e Companhia de Saneamento do Paraná (SANEPAR