Politics, Economics, and Politics Again

This essay reconsiders the meaning of politics. It argues that economics offers theory and language that can contribute to the understanding and fulfillment of political life by facilitating analysis of the public interest. However, economics does not provide an escape from political disagreement, whether based on inevitable differences of interest or of belief, or on self-serving efforts to advance one cause at the expense of another. As a language of discourse, economics is shown to be compatible with a broader conception of human nature than is sometimes claimed by its practitioners or acknowledged by its critics

Implementation of the Voting Rights Act in North Carolina

[No abstract

Politics, Economics, and Politics Again

This essay reconsiders the meaning of politics. It argues that economics offers theory and language that can contribute to the understanding and fulfillment of political life by facilitating analysis of the public interest. However, economics does not provide an escape from political disagreement, whether based on inevitable differences of interest or of belief, or on self-serving efforts to advance one cause at the expense of another. As a language of discourse, economics is shown to be compatible with a broader conception of human nature than is sometimes claimed by its practitioners or acknowledged by its critics

Rules, Discretion, and Accountability in Macroeconomic Policymaking

Arguments for rules rather than discretion in macroeconomic policymaking facilitate the understanding of some fundamental issues of democratic theory. This article reviews four such arguments, and relates them to issues of delegation and accountability in representative government

Electoral and welfare consequences of political manipulation of the economy

This paper examines the long-term electoral and welfare consequences of repeated strategies whereby a political office-holder induces cycles in economic variables to maximize his chances of re-election. Unlike other studies of political business cycles, we focus on questions of the desirability of these cyclical patterns and on the long-run properties of these political economic models. Noting that the welfare costs of vote maximizing in a single term extend beyond that term, we examine in detail the properties of the `long-run equilibrium path' to which such cycles converge. If the economy starts above this path, vote maximizing can lead to increased social welfare and vote margins. However, if the economy starts below this path, vote-maximizing in the present can cause reduced votes and electocal defeat in subsequent terms. This possibility should lead a far-sighted, enlightened politician or political party to eschew vote-maximizing tactics and the political business cycles which accompany them and thus canhelp explain why empirical studies have not found convincing evidence of the existence of such cycles. This paper also quantifies the dependence of this long-run equilibrium path on the important political and economic parameters of the model.Peer Reviewedhttp://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/25648/1/0000200.pd

Implementation of the Voting Rights Act in North Carolina

[No abstract

Management of Hypertriglyceridemia in the Diabetic Patient

The hypertriglyceridemia of diabetes can be classified into mild to moderate (triglycerides between 150–499 mg/dL) and severe hypertriglyceridemia (triglycerides ≥500 mg/dL). As in any other individuals with hypertriglyceridemia, secondary causes need to be excluded. The management of severe hypertriglyceridemia (chylomicronemia syndrome) includes aggressive reduction of triglycerides with intravenous insulin, fibrates, omega-3 fatty acids, and/or niacin therapy to avert the risk of pancreatitis. In patients with mild to moderate hypertriglyceridemia, the treatment of choice is statin therapy to achieve the low-density lipoprotein (LDL) and non-high-density lipoprotein (HDL) target goals. The evidence base would favor niacin therapy in combination with statin therapy to achieve the goals pertaining to LDL cholesterol and non-HDL cholesterol. The data about the combination of fibrate therapy with statin therapy are disappointing

Would school closure for the 2009 H1N1 influenza epidemic have been worth the cost?: a computational simulation of Pennsylvania

<p>Abstract</p> <p>Background</p> <p>During the 2009 H1N1 influenza epidemic, policy makers debated over whether, when, and how long to close schools. While closing schools could have reduced influenza transmission thereby preventing cases, deaths, and health care costs, it may also have incurred substantial costs from increased childcare needs and lost productivity by teachers and other school employees.</p> <p>Methods</p> <p>A combination of agent-based and Monte Carlo economic simulation modeling was used to determine the cost-benefit of closing schools (vs. not closing schools) for different durations (range: 1 to 8 weeks) and symptomatic case incidence triggers (range: 1 to 30) for the state of Pennsylvania during the 2009 H1N1 epidemic. Different scenarios varied the basic reproductive rate (R₀) from 1.2, 1.6, to 2.0 and used case-hospitalization and case-fatality rates from the 2009 epidemic. Additional analyses determined the cost per influenza case averted of implementing school closure.</p> <p>Results</p> <p>For all scenarios explored, closing schools resulted in substantially higher net costs than not closing schools. For R₀= 1.2, 1.6, and 2.0 epidemics, closing schools for 8 weeks would have resulted in median net costs of $21.0 billion (95$8.0 - $45.3 billion). The median cost per influenza case averted would have been$14,185 ($5,423 -$30,565) for R₀= 1.2, $25,253 ($9,501 - $53,461) for R₀= 1.6, and$23,483 ($8,870 -$50,926) for R₀= 2.0.</p> <p>Conclusions</p> <p>Our study suggests that closing schools during the 2009 H1N1 epidemic could have resulted in substantial costs to society as the potential costs of lost productivity and childcare could have far outweighed the cost savings in preventing influenza cases.</p

Rules, Discretion, and Accountability in Macroeconomic Policymaking

Arguments for rules rather than discretion in macroeconomic policymaking facilitate the understanding of some fundamental issues of democratic theory. This article reviews four such arguments, and relates them to issues of delegation and accountability in representative government