Effet de l’assouplissement du contrôle des armes à feu sur les homicides au Canada entre 1974 et 2016

En 2012, le gouvernement canadien a retiré son Registre des armes longues, abolissant ainsi l’obligation instaurée sous la loi C- 68 d’enregistrer ses armes longues. Il s’agit de la première politique d’assouplissement du contrôle des armes à feu (AAF) au Canada et une des premières politiques de ce genre à travers le monde. Jusqu’à maintenant, un nombre quasi inexistant d’études s’est attardé sur l’effet du relâchement des contrôles des AAF sur la violence. Tout en surmontant les biais potentiels retrouvés dans les évaluations antérieures, l’objectif de ce travail dirigé est d’évaluer l’effet du retrait du Registre des armes longues sur les homicides au Québec, en Ontario et en Alberta entre 1974 et 2016. Un sous objectif est d’actualiser les connaissances sur l’évaluation de la loi C-68. Pour ce faire, les effets du retrait seront évalués à travers l’analyse de séries chronologiques interrompues. Selon nos résultats, le retrait du Registre des armes longues et la loi C-68 n’ont eu aucun effet sur les homicides par armes longues. De plus, la loi C-68 a eu un effet immédiat et graduel sur les homicides par armes de poing et autres armes prohibées au Québec. La loi C-68 a aussi eu un effet immédiat qui perd de sa force dans le temps en Alberta sur les homicides par armes de poing et autres armes prohibées. Aucun effet de la loi C-68 n’a été observé en Ontario. Les résultats suggèrent que le resserrement ou le relâchement des contrôles sur les armes longues n’a pas d’effet sur les homicides par armes longuesIn 2012, the Canadian government withdrew the Long-Gun Registry, thereby abolishing the obligation under Bill C-68 to register long guns. This is the first gun control easing policy in Canada and one of the first policies of its kind in the world. So far, there has been almost no study of the effect of reducing gun control on violence. While overcoming the potential biases found in previous evaluations, the purpose of this paper is to assess the effect of the removal of the long-gun registry on homicides in Quebec, Ontario and Alberta between 1974 and 2016. Another aim of this study is to update knowledge on the effect of Bill C-68. To do so, the effects of the withdrawal and of the Bill C-68 is evaluated with an interrupted time series design. According to our findings, the removal of the Long-Gun Registry and Bill C-68 had no effect on long-gun homicides. In addition, Bill C-68 had an immediate and gradual effect on homicides committed by handguns and other prohibited weapons in Quebec. Bill C-68 also had an immediate and decaying effect on homicides committed with handguns and other prohibited weapons in Alberta. No effect of Bill C-68 was observed in Ontario. The results suggest that tightening or loosening controls on long guns has no effect on long-gun homicides

The seeds of divergence: the economy of French North America, 1688 to 1760

Generally, Canada has been ignored in the literature on the colonial origins of divergence with most of the attention going to the United States. Late nineteenth century estimates of income per capita show that Canada was relatively poorer than the United States and that within Canada, the French and Catholic population of Quebec was considerably poorer. Was this gap long standing? Some evidence has been advanced for earlier periods, but it is quite limited and not well-suited for comparison with other societies. This thesis aims to contribute both to Canadian economic history and to comparative work on inequality across nations during the early modern period. With the use of novel prices and wages from Quebec—which was then the largest settlement in Canada and under French rule—a price index, a series of real wages and a measurement of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) are constructed. They are used to shed light both on the course of economic development until the French were defeated by the British in 1760 and on standards of living in that colony relative to the mother country, France, as well as the American colonies. The work is divided into three components. The first component relates to the construction of a price index. The absence of such an index has been a thorn in the side of Canadian historians as it has limited the ability of historians to obtain real values of wages, output and living standards. This index shows that prices did not follow any trend and remained at a stable level. However, there were episodes of wide swings—mostly due to wars and the monetary experiment of playing card money. The creation of this index lays the foundation of the next component. The second component constructs a standardized real wage series in the form of welfare ratios (a consumption basket divided by nominal wage rate multiplied by length of work year) to compare Canada with France, England and Colonial America. Two measures are derived. The first relies on a “bare bones” definition of consumption with a large share of land-intensive goods. This measure indicates that Canada was poorer than England and Colonial America and not appreciably richer than France. However, this measure overestimates the relative position of Canada to the Old World because of the strong presence of land-intensive goods. A second measure is created using a “respectable” definition of consumption in which the basket includes a larger share of manufactured goods and capital-intensive goods. This second basket better reflects differences in living standards since the abundance of land in Canada (and Colonial America) made it easy to achieve bare subsistence, but the scarcity of capital and skilled labor made the consumption of luxuries and manufactured goods (clothing, lighting, imported goods) highly expensive. With this measure, the advantage of New France over France evaporates and turns slightly negative. In comparison with Britain and Colonial America, the gap widens appreciably. This element is the most important for future research. By showing a reversal because of a shift to a different type of basket, it shows that Old World and New World comparisons are very sensitive to how we measure the cost of living. Furthermore, there are no sustained improvements in living standards over the period regardless of the measure used. Gaps in living standards observed later in the nineteenth century existed as far back as the seventeenth century. In a wider American perspective that includes the Spanish colonies, Canada fares better. The third component computes a new series for Gross Domestic Product (GDP). This is to avoid problems associated with using real wages in the form of welfare ratios which assume a constant labor supply. This assumption is hard to defend in the case of Colonial Canada as there were many signs of increasing industriousness during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The GDP series suggest no long-run trend in living standards (from 1688 to circa 1765). The long peace era of 1713 to 1740 was marked by modest economic growth which offset a steady decline that had started in 1688, but by 1760 (as a result of constant warfare) living standards had sunk below their 1688 levels. These developments are accompanied by observations that suggest that other indicators of living standard declined. The flat-lining of incomes is accompanied by substantial increases in the amount of time worked, rising mortality and rising infant mortality. In addition, comparisons of incomes with the American colonies confirm the results obtained with wages— Canada was considerably poorer. At the end, a long conclusion is provides an exploratory discussion of why Canada would have diverged early on. In structural terms, it is argued that the French colony was plagued by the problem of a small population which prohibited the existence of scale effects. In combination with the fact that it was dispersed throughout the territory, the small population of New France limited the scope for specialization and economies of scale. However, this problem was in part created, and in part aggravated, by institutional factors like seigneurial tenure. The colonial origins of French America’s divergence from the rest of North America are thus partly institutional

Approche nutritionnelle de la thérapie du syndrome de l œil sec (prévention par les acides gras polyinsaturés)

Le syndrome de l oeil sec est une pathologie oculaire affectant environ 15% des personnes âgées de plus de 65 ans. Elle se caractérise principalement par une atteinte inflammatoire de la surface oculaire (film lacrymal, conjonctive et cornée) qui constitue ainsi une cible thérapeutique à privilégier. Les effets secondaires des anti-inflammatoires classiques ainsi que leur intolérance à long terme conduisent à s intéresser à des molécules de l alimentation qui possèdent des propriétés anti-inflammatoires, comme les acides gras polyinsaturés (AGPI). Dans ce travail, nous avons mis en place un modèle d induction pharmacologique de syndrome de l oeil sec chez le rat, mimant les altérations observées pour une forme modérée de sécheresse oculaire chez l Homme. Nous avons décrit la cinétique d apparition des signes cliniques et des marqueurs inflammatoires au cours du temps. Dans ce modèle nous avons évalué l impact des AGPI alimentaires, par deux approches préventives. D une part, nous avons réalisé une étude interventionnelle visant à évaluer l fficacité d une supplémentation en AGPI n-6 et / ou n-3 pendant les 2 mois précédant l induction de la pathologie sur l inflammation et les signes cliniques. D autre part, nous avons évalué l impact d une carence alimentaire en AGPI n-3 sur la sévérité de la pathologie.Dry eye disease affects 15% of the population over the age of 65. It is characterized mainly by inflammation of the ocular surface (tear film, conjunctiva and cornea) which represents a relevant target for therapeutic strategies. The side effects and long-term intolerance of antiinflammatory drugs give rise to an increasing interest for dietary components exhibiting antiinflammatory properties, such as polyunsaturated fatty acids (PUFAs). In these studies, we developed a scopolamine-induced dry eye model in the rat that mimics changes occurring in Humans suffering from moderate dry eye. We described the time course of clinical signs, inflammation and mucin production loss. We investigated in this model the impact of dietary PUFAs, towards two preventive approaches. In an interventional study, we first evaluated the efficacy of a 2-month supplementation of dietary w6 and/or w3 PUFAs in improving the clinical signs and inflammatory markers of dry eye. In an observational study, we secondly evaluated the impact of dietary w3 PUFA deficiency on the severity of the pathology.DIJON-BU Sciences Economie (212312102) / SudocSudocFranceF

Si j'avais les ailes d'un ange : émissions 14 à 26

Coproduction Via Le Monde et CECI avec la collaboration de l'ACDI et du CRDIÉmission de Daniel Bertolino et Catherine ViauReportages et présentation: Grégoire ViauContenu: Cassette 1 (émissions 14-17); cassette 2 (émissions 18-21); cassette 3 (émissions 22-25); cassette 4 (émission 26

Si j'avais les ailes d'un ange : guide contenant un résumé des 26 émissions de la série

Coproduction Via Le Monde et CECI avec la collaboration de l'ACDI et du CRDIÉmission de Daniel Bertolino et Catherine ViauReportages et présentation: Grégoire Via

Si j'avais les ailes d'un ange : émissions 1 à 13

Coproduction Via Le Monde et CECI avec la collaboration de l'ACDI et du CRDIÉmission de Daniel Bertolino et Catherine ViauReportages et présentation: Grégoire ViauContenu: Cassette 1 (émissions 1-4); cassette 2 (émissions 5-7); cassette 3 (émissions 8-10); cassette 4 (émissions 11-13