629 research outputs found

    The uses of survey research in the study of comparative politics: issues and strategies

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    Der vorliegende Beitrag (zuerst publiziert 1969) diskutiert den Nutzen der Umfrageforschung für Studien der vergleichenden Politikwissenschaft. Die Prinzipien des 'survey research', wie sie bei Makroanalysen angewandt werden, werden mit zwei anderen Ansätzen verglichen: dem Aggregatdaten-Ansatz und der Konfigurationsanalyse. Weiterhin werden die Grenzen des traditionellen 'survey research' mit folgenden methodologischen Problemen diskutiert: das Problem der Vergleichbarkeit von multikulturellen Studien; die Auswahl, Messung und Operationalisierung in solchen Studien; die Berücksichtigung struktureller Merkmale im 'survey design'. (pmb)'This essay (first published in 1969) deals with the usefulness of survey research in studies of comparative politics. The nature of survey research as applied to problems of macro-analysis will be compared to two other approaches: the aggregate data approach and the configurative approach. The limitations of traditional survey research, the problems of comparability in multi-contextual research (technical problems, problems of conceptualization) and the strategies of comparative research (the selection and measurement of variables that are embedded in their context; the inclusion of structural characteristics into survey design; the inclusion of structural characteristics in the survey analysis) will be discussed.' (author's abstract

    The Internet and Civic Engagement

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    Based on a survey, analyzes how socioeconomic status and other demographics correlate with online and offline political and civic engagement. Explores suggestions that younger generations' political use of social media may alter such patterns

    The democratic engagement of Britain's ethnic minorities

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    Democratic engagement is a multi-faceted phenomenon that embraces citizens' involvement with electoral politics, their participation in ‘conventional’ extra-parliamentary political activity, their satisfaction with democracy and trust in state institutions, and their rejection of the use of violence for political ends. Evidence from the 2010 BES and EMBES shows that there are important variations in patterns of democratic engagement across Britain's different ethnic-minority groups and across generations. Overall, ethnic-minority engagement is at a similar level to and moved by the same general factors that influence the political dispositions of whites. However, minority democratic engagement is also strongly affected by a set of distinctive ethnic-minority perceptions and experiences, associated particularly with discrimination and patterns of minority and majority cultural engagement. Second-generation minorities who grew up in Britain are less, rather than more, likely to be engaged

    Why do only some people who support parties actually join them? Evidence from Britain

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    What makes people join a political party is one of the most commonly studied questions in research on party members. Nearly all this research, however, is based on talking to people who have actually joined parties. This article simultaneously analyses surveys of members of political parties in Britain and surveys of non-member supporters of those same parties. This uniquely enables us to model the decision to join parties. The results suggest that most of the elements that constitute the influential ‘General Incentives Model’ are significant. But it also reveals that, while party supporters imagine that selective benefits, social norms and opposing rival parties’ policies are key factors in members’ decisions to join a party, those who actually do so are more likely to say they are motivated by attachments to their party’s values, policies and leaders, as well as by an altruistic desire to support democracy more generally

    Political values and extra-institutional political participation: The impact of economic redistributive and social libertarian preferences on protest behaviour

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    Previous studies have found that left-wing and libertarian individuals are more likely to engage in extra-institutional political activism. However, due to a lack of suitable data, studies to date have not analysed the relative influence of economic redistributive and social libertarian values for the intensity of protest participation. By analysing data from a unique cross-national dataset on participants in mass demonstrations in seven countries, this article addresses this gap in the literature and provides evidence of the relative impact of economic redistributive and social libertarian values in explaining different degrees of protest participation. We show that there are divergent logics underpinning the effect of the two value sets on extra-institutional participation. While both economically redistributive and libertarian social values support extra-institutional participation, economically redistributive protesters are mobilized to political action mainly through organizations, whereas the extra-institutional participation of social libertarian protesters is underpinned by their dissatisfaction with the workings of democracy

    Does compulsory voting increase support for leftist policy?

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    Citizens unequally participate in referendums, and this may systematically bias policy in favor of those who vote. Some view compulsory voting as an important tool to alleviate this problem, whereas others worry about its detrimental effects on the legitimacy and quality of democratic decision making. So far, however, we lack systematic knowledge about the causal effect of compulsory voting on public policy. We argue that sanctioned compulsory voting mobilizes citizens at the bottom of the income distribution and that this translates into an increase in support for leftist policies. We empirically explore the effects of a sanctioned compulsory voting law on direct-democratic decision making in Switzerland. We find that compulsory voting significantly increases electoral support for leftist policy positions in referendums by up to 20 percentage points. We discuss the implications of these results for our understanding of the policy consequences of electoral institutions
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