CO2-induced seawater acidification affects physiological performance of the marine diatom Phaeodactylum tricornutum

CO2/pH perturbation experiments were carried out under two different pCO2 levels (39.3 and 101.3 Pa) to evaluate effects of CO2-induced ocean acidification on the marine diatom Phaeodactylum tricornutum. After acclimation (>20 generations) to ambient and elevated CO2 conditions (with corresponding pH values of 8.15 and 7.80, respectively), growth and photosynthetic carbon fixation rates of high CO2 grown cells were enhanced by 5% and 12%, respectively, and dark respiration stimulated by 34% compared to cells grown at ambient CO2. The half saturation constant (Km) for carbon fixation (dissolved inorganic carbon, DIC) increased by 20% under the low pH and high CO2 condition, reflecting a decreased affinity for HCO3– or/and CO2 and down-regulated carbon concentrating mechanism (CCM). In the high CO2 grown cells, the electron transport rate from photosystem II (PSII) was photoinhibited to a greater extent at high levels of photosynthetically active radiation, while non-photochemical quenching was reduced compared to low CO2 grown cells. This was probably due to the down-regulation of CCM, which serves as a sink for excessive energy. The balance between these positive and negative effects on diatom productivity will be a key factor in determining the net effect of rising atmospheric CO2 on ocean primary production

The Relation Between the Surface Brightness and the Diameter for Galactic Supernova Remnants

In this work, we have constructed a relation between the surface brightness ($\Sigma$) and diameter (D) of Galactic C- and S-type supernova remnants (SNRs). In order to calibrate the $\Sigma$-D dependence, we have carefully examined some intrinsic (e.g. explosion energy) and extrinsic (e.g. density of the ambient medium) properties of the remnants and, taking into account also the distance values given in the literature, we have adopted distances for some of the SNRs which have relatively more reliable distance values. These calibrator SNRs are all C- and S-type SNRs, i.e. F-type SNRs (and S-type SNR Cas A which has an exceptionally high surface brightness) are excluded. The Sigma-D relation has 2 slopes with a turning point at D=36.5 pc: $\Sigma$(at 1 GHz)=8.4$^{+19.5}_{-6.3}$$\times10^{-12}$ D$^{{-5.99}^{+0.38}_{-0.33}}$ Wm$^{-2}$Hz$^{-1}$ster$^{-1}$ (for $\Sigma$$\le3.7\times10^{-21}$ Wm$^{-2}$Hz$^{-1}$ster$^{-1}$ and D$\ge$36.5 pc) and $\Sigma$(at 1 GHz)=2.7$^{+2.1}_{-1.4}$$\times$ 10$^{-17}$ D$^{{-2.47}^{+0.20}_{-0.16}}$ Wm$^{-2}$Hz$^{-1}$ster$^{-1}$ (for $\Sigma$$>3.7\times10^{-21}$ Wm$^{-2}$Hz$^{-1}$ster$^{-1}$ and D$<$36.5 pc). We discussed the theoretical basis for the $\Sigma$-D dependence and particularly the reasons for the change in slope of the relation were stated. Added to this, we have shown the dependence between the radio luminosity and the diameter which seems to have a slope close to zero up to about D=36.5 pc. We have also adopted distance and diameter values for all of the observed Galactic SNRs by examining all the available distance values presented in the literature together with the distances found from our $\Sigma$-D relation.Comment: 45 pages, 2 figures, accepted for publication in Astronomical and Astrophysical Transaction

Comparing nuclear power trajectories in Germany and the UK: from ‘regimes' to ‘democracies’ in sociotechnical transitions and Discontinuities

This paper focuses on arguably the single most striking contrast in contemporary major energy politics in Europe (and even the developed world as a whole): the starkly differing civil nuclear policies of Germany and the UK. Germany is seeking entirely to phase out nuclear power by 2022. Yet the UK advocates a ‘nuclear renaissance’, promoting the most ambitious new nuclear construction programme in Western Europe.Here,this paper poses a simple yet quite fundamental question: what are the particular divergent conditions most strongly implicated in the contrasting developments in these two countries. With nuclear playing such an iconic role in historical discussions over technological continuity and transformation, answering this may assist in wider understandings of sociotechnical incumbency and discontinuity in the burgeoning field of‘sustainability transitions’. To this end, an ‘abductive’ approach is taken: deploying nine potentially relevant criteria for understanding the different directions pursued in Germany and the UK. Together constituted by 30 parameters spanning literatures related to socio-technical regimes in general as well as nuclear technology in particular, the criteria are divided into those that are ‘internal’ and ‘external’ to the ‘focal regime configuration’ of nuclear power and associated ‘challenger technologies’ like renewables. It is ‘internal’ criteria that are emphasised in conventional sociotechnical regime theory, with ‘external’ criteria relatively less well explored. Asking under each criterion whether attempted discontinuation of nuclear power would be more likely in Germany or the UK, a clear picture emerges. ‘Internal’ criteria suggest attempted nuclear discontinuation should be more likely in the UK than in Germany– the reverse of what is occurring. ‘External’ criteria are more aligned with observed dynamics –especially those relating to military nuclear commitments and broader ‘qualities of democracy’. Despite many differences of framing concerning exactly what constitutes ‘democracy’, a rich political science literature on this point is unanimous in characterising Germany more positively than the UK. Although based only on a single case,a potentially important question is nonetheless raised as to whether sociotechnical regime theory might usefully give greater attention to the general importance of various aspects of democracy in constituting conditions for significant technological discontinuities and transformations. If so, the policy implications are significant. A number of important areas are identified for future research, including the roles of diverse understandings and specific aspects of democracy and the particular relevance of military nuclear commitments– whose under-discussion in civil nuclear policy literatures raises its own questions of democratic accountability