The argument of the broken pane: Suffragette consumerism and newspapers

Within the cut-throat world of newspaper advertising the newspapers of Britain's Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU) Votes for Women and the Suffragette managed to achieve a balance that has often proved to be an impossible challenge for social movement press—namely the maintenance of a highly political stance whilst simultaneously exploiting the market system with advertising and merchandising. When the militant papers advocated window smashing of West End stores in 1912–1913, the companies who were the target still took advertisements. Why? What was the relationship between news values, militant violence and advertising income? ‘Do-it-yourself’ journalism operated within a context of ethical consumerism and promotionally orientated militancy. This resulted in newspaper connections between politics, commerce and a distinct market profile, evident in the customisation of advertising, retailer dialogue with militants and longer-term loyalty—symptomatic of a wider trend towards newspaper commercialism during this period

Beyond national narratives? : centenary histories, the First World War and the Armenian Genocide

In April 2015 the centenary of the Armenian Genocide was commemorated. Just like the First World War centenary, this anniversary has provoked a flurry of academic and public interest in what remains a highly contested history. This article assesses the state of the current historiography on the fate of the Ottoman Armenians. It focuses on the possibilities for moving beyond the national narratives which continue to dominate the field, in particular through connecting the case of the Armenian Genocide to what has been termed a ‘transnational turn’ in the writing of the history of the First World War

Desain CNG Carrier dari Gresik ke Lombok untuk Mendukung Program Pembangkit Listrik 35000 MW

PLTGU Lombok Peaker merupakan pembangkit listrik tenaga gas dan uap yang menggunakan Compresed Natural Gas (CNG) sebagai bahan bakar. Di daerah Lombok tidak ada pasokan CNG untuk mendukung kebutuhan PLTGU tersebut, namun dengan adanya pembangunan CNG Plant di Gresik akan membantu dalam pasokan gas ke Lombok. Tugas Akhir ini bermaksud memberikan solusi untuk menciptakan sarana distribusi gas alam seperti CNG sebagai bahan bakar pembangkit listrik khususnya di Lombok. Payload dari CNG carrier ini merupakan kebutuhan CNG yang digunakan sebagai bahan bakar PLTGU Lombok Peaker beserta tabung dan kontainernya. Ukuran utama kapal ditentukan berdasarkan penempatan tabung dan kontainer pada kapal. Setelah itu dilakukan perhitungan teknis berupa perhitungan berat, freeboard, trim dan stabilitas. Ukuran utama yang didapatkan adalah Lpp = 81.8 m; B = 14.7 m; H = 8m; T = 5m. Tinggi freeboard minimum sebesar 1074 mm, besarnya tonase kotor kapal adalah 2250 GT, dan kondisi stabilitas CNG carrier memenuhi kriteria Intact Stability (IS) Code Reg. III/3.1. Biaya pembangunan sebesar Rp51,298,798,739 dan biaya operasional sebesar Rp 26,888,561,985

The Struggles and Economic Hardship of Women Working Class Activists, 1918–1923

The chapter analyses female readers’ letter from the immediate post-World War I period in the ‘Labour Women’ newspaper for members of the then up and coming Labour Party. What was the discursive function of this particular women’s labour movement newspaper when addressing gendered employment issues? How does this social movement communication contribute towards the concept and development of gendered working class cultural citizenship? Research demonstrates a range of concerns during the aftermaths of war, when many women showed great concern for what one letter referred to as the ‘tyranny of poverty’ and the day to day travails of domestic life, in an age where working class female lifestyles could not benefit from labour saving devices. This was a time when wage and relationship equality were nowhere near part of everyday reality for most readers. The chapter reflects not only on the problems for gender newspaper historians of reflection on past reader participation, influenced by present day perspectives, but also on the need to celebrate the hope and idealism of many female ‘reader—pioneers’

Representing the public sphere : the new journalism and its historians

Although the heuristic concept of the “public sphere” has been frequently used by historians and media scholars of Britain and North America since the translation of Jürgen Habermas’s 1962 book into English in 1989, what we mean by the concept often remains hazy and, as Joad Raymond among others has noted, generally unsatisfactory. This stems from two causes. On the one hand, though Habermas’s account arguably remains the best general theory of the public sphere available, scholars have found much to criticize in it. Some have pointed out that Habermas was eliding normative and historically descriptive categories, and that in fact the idealized Habermasian public sphere, in which private citizens came together to discuss matters of public concern in an influential venue, has never existed in reality (Schudson, Eley). Others have taken Habermas to task for positing a unitary public sphere associated with a rising bourgeoisie as the public sphere. Rather, it should be recognized that there have been multiple publics that have always been oppositional; to characterize the dominant public sphere as the public sphere is itself a political, hegemony-seeking act (Fraser, Mah). In the face of such critiques we might be forgiven for wondering whether the term is even worth saving

From noted ‘phenomenon’ to ‘missing person’: A case of the historical construction of the unter-journalist

Tim Hewat was celebrated during his tenure at Granada Television as one of the most influential journalists working in Britain in the second half of the 20th century, but then largely forgotten for 30 years.This is explained as a function of the specific historicization of journalists, reflecting both academic prejudices and occupational values. The history of journalism is largely devoid of the lived experiences of the majority of its practitioners. Hewat’s case indicates that journalists disappear from history when they step outside the domains of valorized media institutions and journalism hierarchies that contribute to notions such as the Fourth Estate. Mobilizing Paul Thompson’s category of ‘underclasses’, this article argues that this reductionism has largely rendered the majority of journalists historically invisible and classified them as unter-journalists , a kind of sub-category which does not comply with a priori norms. © The Author(s) 2010