Integration policies shape ethnic-racial majorities’ threat reactions to increasing diversity

Increasing ethnic and racial diversity often fuels feelings of threat among ethnic-racial majorities (e.g., self-identified white Americans and European nationals). We contend that these threat perceptions depend on the policy context. Across four studies, we test whether more inclusive immigrant integration policies attenuate ethnic-racial majorities' threat reactions. Studies 1 to 3 (n = 469, 733, and 1745, respectively) used experimental methods with white American participants in the United States. Study 4 (n = 499,075) used secondary analysis of survey data comparing attitudes of nationals in 30 European countries and measured the impact of actual changes in diversity and policies over 10 years. Our results show that integration policies shape threat reactions even in those situations when increasing diversity could be seen as the most threatening: when narratives highlight the majority's impending minority position or when diversity suddenly increases. When policies are more inclusive toward immigrants, ethnic-racial majority participants report less threat (or no threat) in response to increasing diversity.</p

Through the eyes of my peers:Sharing perceptions of unequal treatment in ethno–racially diverse classrooms

Objectives: Perceptions of unequal treatment, especially when shared, can challenge the status-quo. Starting from the social grounding of shared perceptions, we ask when perceptions of inequality align and converge in ethno–racially diverse peer groups. We are especially interested when perceptions are shared among peers across ethno–racial group boundaries. Social–psychological research suggests asymmetric sharing: Ethno– racial minority group members often see less inequality with more majority contact, while in some cases ethno–racial majority members perceive more inequality with more minority contact. Therefore, we ask if perceptions of inequality are shared across minority and majority groups within time and if perceptions of inequality converge over time. Method: We focus on schools as sites of inequality and cross-group interactions. First, we tested our predictions with 290 minority and 468 majority youth in 53 classes in the United States using multilevel modelling. Next, we implemented follow-up studies in Belgium with 1,800 minority and 1,700 majority adolescents in 433 classes using longitudinal multilevel models. Results: In line with intragroup sharing, minority and majority youth shared their minority and majority peers’ perceptions of inequality, respectively. Furthermore, we documented cross–group sharing: Majority youth also shared their minority peers’ perceptions, especially in contexts with higher minority proportions. Conclusions: We found consistent evidence of sharing minority perceptions, so that both majority and minority youth would see inequality through their minority peers’ eyes.</p