The First EU Social Partner Agreement in Practice: Parental Leave in the 15 Member States. IHS Political Science Series: 2004, No. 96

In this paper, we analyze the impact of one specific EU social policy measure, the Parental Leave Directive. This Directive is based on the first Euro-collective agreement, concluded in November 1995 by the ETUC, UNICE and CEEP. Contrary to the rather sceptical assessments presented by many observers at the time of its adoption, our in-depth analysis of the Directive's implementation in all 15 member states reveals rather far-reaching effects. The Directive induced significant policy reforms in the majority of member states and thus facilitated the reconciliation of work and family life for many working parents. These effects were not only brought about by compliance with the compulsory minimum standards of the Directive, but also by a considerable number of voluntary reforms. We argue that domestic party politics and processes of policy learning may explain the occurrence of these "unforced" changes, which have hitherto received little attention by Europeanisation scholars

Excluding the growing camp of Eurosceptics from the EU’s corridors of power could prove fatal in the long run

The 2014 European Parliament elections saw an unprecedented level of support for Eurosceptic parties. Oliver Treib writes that the Eurosceptic vote cannot be dismissed as a short-term protest against unpopular governments. Instead, he argues that fundamental worries about the effects of EU policies and general dissatisfaction with mainstream politics lie at the heart of the Eurosceptic success. The selection of Jean-Claude Juncker as President of the Commission suggests that Eurosceptics, despite their considerable electoral support, will continue to be excluded from the EU’s corridors of power. This provides the ideal breeding ground for an even stronger Eurosceptic backlash in five years’ time

Der EU-Verfassungsvertrag und die Zukunft des Wohlfahrtsstaates in Europa = The EU Constitutional Treaty and the Future of the Welfare State in Europe. EU-ISS Political Science Series: No. 99, October 2004

The welfare states in Europe are confronted with a twofold challenge. Both internal changes such as the ageing of our societies and external developments such as globalisation and European economic integration are threatening the viability of many welfare state policies. What can the European Union do to support domestic welfare states in coping with these challenges? The paper first provides an overview of the historical evolution of EU social policy and its current state of affairs. Then, it presents the innovations in the areas of social policy introduced by the EU’s constitutional treaty and discusses their likely effects. The new provisions may be used to loosen the tight grip of the EU’s internal market rules on domestic welfare states, and they offer ample opportunities for the ECJ to further the development of supranational social regulation by case law. In order to explain these outcomes, the paper analyses the controversial debates in the European Convention, revealing that the cleavages within the Convention ran along national but also to a significant degree along party political lines

Worlds of compliance: Why leading approaches to the implementation of EU legislation are only 'sometimes-true theories'

This paper summarises the main theoretical findings of a large-scale qualitative project on the transposition, enforcement and application of six EU labour law Directives in fifteen member states. Focusing on the transposition stage, our argument starts from a theoretical puzzle: When confronting the empirical results from our 91 cases with the various hypotheses that we derived from the literature, it turns out that all causal conditions suggested by existing theories, and even two of the most prominent hypotheses (on misfit and veto players), have at best rather weak explanatory power. On closer inspection, our qualitative studies show that even their basic rationale does not hold in some groups of countries. As a solution, we offer a typology of three worlds of compliance within the fifteen EU member states covered by our study, each of which is characterised by an ideal-typical transposition style: a 'world of law observance', a 'world of domestic politics', and a 'world of neglect'. This typology provides the key to understanding when and how individual theoretical propositions are relevant.policy coordination; implementation; Europeanization

Three worlds of compliance or four? The EU15 compared to new member states

'Ausgehend von einer früheren Implementationsstudie über die 15 'alten' Mitgliedstaaten der Europäischen Union, deren Hauptergebnis eine Typologie von drei 'Welten der Rechtsbefolgung' war, geht dieser Beitrag der Frage nach, ob die neuen Mitgliedstaaten aus Mittel- und Osteuropa (MOE) eine zusätzliche Ländergruppierung mit einem eigenen Implementationsstil bilden. Wir präsentieren Ergebnisse eines Forschungsprojekts über die Implementation von drei EU-Richtlinien aus den Bereichen Arbeitszeit und Gleichbehandlung in vier MOE-Ländern. Unseren Befunden zufolge ähneln die beobachteten Implementationsmuster der neuen Mitgliedstaaten denen einer kleinen Gruppe von Staaten innerhalb der EU15. Keine Unterstützung liefern unsere empirischen Ergebnisse dagegen für die Erwartung, die neuen Mitgliedstaaten könnten einer eigenen Logik bei der Befolgung von EU-Recht folgen, etwa in Gestalt eines deutlich laxeren Umgangs mit europäischen Rechtsvorschriften nach dem Beitritt als 'Vergeltung' für den hohen Vorbeitrittsdruck. Insgesamt lassen sich alle vier untersuchten Länder in eine Gruppe einordnen, die wir als 'Welt des toten Rechts' bezeichnen. Diese Welt, die durch politisierte Umsetzungsprozesse und systematische Probleme bei der praktischen Anwendung und beim Vollzug gekennzeichnet ist, umfasst jedoch nicht nur MOE-Länder, sondern auch zwei 'alte' Mitgliedstaaten.' (Autorenreferat)'Starting from the findings of an earlier compliance study covering the fifteen 'old' member states of the European Union, which identified three 'worlds of compliance', this paper seeks to establish whether or not the new member states from Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) represent a separate world of compliance. We present empirical findings from a research project on the implementation of three EU Directives from the field of working time and equal treatment in four CEE countries. The evidence suggests that the new member states display implementation styles that are similar to a few countries in the EU15. The expectation that the new member states might behave according to their own specific logic, such as significantly decreasing their compliance efforts after accession in order to take 'revenge' for the strong pressure of conditionality, is not supported by our case studies. Instead, all four new member states appear to fall within a group that could be dubbed the 'world of dead letters'. It is crucial to highlight, however, that this specific 'world of compliance', characterised by politicised transposition processes and systematic application and enforcement problems, also includes two countries from the EU15.' (author's abstract)

The first EU social partner agreement in practice: parental leave in the 15 member states

'Dieser Beitrag untersucht die Auswirkungen der EU-Elternurlaubs-Richtlinie in den Mitgliedstaaten. Diese Richtlinie basiert auf dem ersten europäischen Sozialpartner-Abkommen, das im November 1995 zwischen EGB, UNICE und CEEP abgeschlossen wurde. Im Gegensatz zu den skeptischen Einschätzungen vieler Kommentatoren zeigt unsere detaillierte empirische Analyse der Umsetzung in allen 15 Mitgliedstaaten, dass die Richtlinie durchaus weit reichende Veränderungen auf der nationalen Ebene hervorbrachte. Sie führte zu signifikanten Reformen in der Mehrzahl der Mitgliedstaaten und erleichterte es auf diese Weise vielen Eltern, Familie und Berufsleben in Einklang zu bringen. Dieser Befund ist nicht nur auf die verbindlichen Mindeststandards der Richtlinie zurückführen, sondern auch auf eine erhebliche Anzahl von freiwilligen Reformschritten der Mitgliedstaaten. Wir zeigen, dass diese bislang von der Europäisierungsforschung wenig beachteten freiwilligen Anpassungen zum Teil durch nationale Parteipolitik und zum Teil durch Lernprozesse zu erklären sind.' (Autorenreferat)'In this paper, we analyse the impact of one specific EU social policy measure, the Parental Leave Directive. This Directive is based on the first Euro-collective agreement, concluded in November 1995 by the ETUC, UNICE and CEEP. Contrary to the rather sceptical assessments presented by many observers at the time of its adoption, our in-depth analysis of the Directive's implementation in all 15 member states reveals rather far-reaching effects. The Directive induced significant policy reforms in the majority of member states and thus facilitated the reconciliation of work and family life for many working parents. These effects were not only brought about by compliance with the compulsory minimum standards of the Directive, but also by a considerable number of voluntary reforms. We argue that domestic party politics and processes of policy learning may explain the occurrence of these 'unforced' changes, which have hitherto received little attention by Europeanisation scholars.' (author's abstract)

Transforming social policy in Europe? The EC's parental leave directive and misfit in the 15 member states

This paper presents first results from a collaborative research project which analyzes the national transposition, enforcement and application of six European labor law Directives in all 15 member states. Looking at the case of the EC's parental leave Directive (1996), it draws conclusions about the domestic impact of European social policy standards. It will interest practitioners as much as labor law experts that, in fact, adaptational pressure was created in all 15 member states. Although the overall economic impact of the Directive in terms of costs was rather modest, every single country had to change its rules. While misfit was rather small in Finland, France, Germany, Portugal, Spain and Sweden, the other member states were confronted with significant adaptation pressure. Political theorists may be surprised that our results cast doubts on the theoretical usefulness of focusing too much on matches or mismatches between European policies and domestic structures. We show that a very low degree of misfit may sometimes even be a problem rather than a condition for success and that the existence of considerable adaptational pressure may under certain conditions even be conducive to smooth implementation. In addition, several member states not only eliminated the misfit created by the Directive, but raised their domestic standards above the European minimum requirements. -- Dieses Papier stellt erste Ergebnisse eines Projektverbundes vor, der die rechtliche Umsetzung, administrative Durchführung und praktische Anwendung von sechs arbeitsrechtlichen EG-Richtlinien in allen 15 Mitgliedstaaten untersucht. Anhand der Richtlinie zum Elternurlaub (1996) werden hier die Auswirkungen europäischer Sozialstandards auf der nationalen Ebene behandelt. Für Praktiker und Arbeitsrechtsexperten gleichermaßen interessant dürfte unser Befund sein, dass die Richtlinie tatsächlich in allen Mitgliedstaaten Anpassungen nötig machte. Obwohl die von der Richtlinie verursachten Kosten insgesamt eher gering waren, musste doch jedes Land seine Regulierungen ändern. Während die erforderlichen Reformen in Deutschland, Finnland, Frankreich, Portugal, Spanien und Schweden von eher begrenzter Tragweite waren, sahen sich die übrigen Mitgliedstaaten mit beträchtlichem Anpassungsbedarf konfrontiert. Theoretisch Interessierte werden feststellen, dass unsere Ergebnisse Zweifel daran erwecken, ob die im Rahmen der Prognose des Anpassungserfolges bislang gängige Orientierung an der Größe des verursachten Anpassungsbedarfes wirklich sinnvoll ist. Wir zeigen, dass sehr kleiner misfit manchmal die erfolgreiche Anpassung sogar behindern kann, und dass hoher Anpassungsbedarf unter bestimmten Bedingungen größeren Erfolg verspricht. Darüber hinaus haben mehrere Mitgliedstaaten im Zuge der Implementation nicht nur die notwendigen Anpassungen vorgenommen, sondern ihre nationalen Standards über das von der Richtlinie geforderte Maß hinaus verändert.

Zwischen Parteipolitik und nationalen Interessen: Regierungs-Oppositions-Gegensätze im EU-Verfassungskonvent

'Welche politischen Konfliktlinien kennzeichnen die europäische Politik? Am Beispiel der Positionen zur Zukunft der EU-Sozialpolitik im EU-Verfassungskonvent untersucht dieser Beitrag, ob die Reformvorstellungen der Delegierten eher von parteipolitischen Ideologien oder nationalen Interessen geprägt waren und inwiefern sich institutionelle Rollendefinitionen auf die Positionen der Konventsmitglieder auswirkten. Auf Grundlage eines neu erstellten Datensatzes über die Positionen der Delegierten zur Reform der Gesetzgebungskompetenzen und Entscheidungsverfahren in der EU-Sozialpolitik wird gezeigt, dass die Positionen insgesamt von einer Kombination aus parteipolitischen Ideologien und nationalen Interessen bestimmt waren. Gleichzeitig treten institutionelle Muster entlang des Gegensatzes zwischen Regierungs- und Oppositionsparteien zu Tage: Delegierte von Regierungsparteien verteidigten stärker ihre jeweiligen nationalen Interessen, während Vertreterinnen von Oppositionsparteien eher ideologische Ziele verfolgten. Unterschiedliche Arten der Verantwortlichkeit gegenüber nationalen Wählerinnenschaften können als Erklärung für diesen Befund herangezogen werden.' (Autorenreferat)'This article analyses the cleavages that structured the debates within the Convention on the Future of Europe. Taking the positions on the institutional rules governing EU social policy as an empirical example, it addresses the question of whether these positions were determined by party politics or national interests. The article also looks at how the delegates' different institutional backgrounds impacted on their positions. A statistical analysis of a new dataset on the positions of conventionists towards EU social policy expansion shows that overall, delegates' positions were determined by a mixture of party politics and national interests. At the same time, there are institutional effects separating representatives of government parties, who tended to stress national interests, from actors representing opposition parties, who acted more according to a party political logic. Different types of accountability vis-à-vis domestic voters may account for this variation.' (author's abstract

Der EU-Verfassungsvertrag und die Zukunft des Wohlfahrtsstaates in Europa

Abstract: The welfare states in Europe are confronted with a twofold challenge. Both internal changes such as the ageing of our societies and external developments such as globalisation and European economic integration are threatening the viabilityof many welfare state policies. What can the European Union do to support domestic welfare states in coping with these challenges? The paper first provides an overview of the historical evolution of EU social policy and its current state of affairs.Then, it presents the innovations in the areas of social policy introduced by the EU's constitutional treaty and discusses their likely effects. The new provisions may be used to loosen the tight grip of the EU's internal market rules on domestic welfare states, and they offer ample opportunities for the ECJ to further the development of supranational social regulation by case law. In order to explain these outcomes, the paper analyses the controversial debates in the European Convention, revealing that the cleavages within the Convention ran along national but also to a significant degree along party political lines.

Der EU-Verfassungsvertrag und die Zukunft des Wohlfahrtsstaates in Europa

'Die nationalen Wohlfahrtsstaaten in Europa stehen heute vor einer doppelten Herausforderung. Sowohl interne gesellschaftliche Veränderungen wie die zunehmende Alterung unserer Gesellschaften als auch externe Prozesse wie die Globalisierung und insbesondere die wirtschaftliche Integration innerhalb des europäischen Binnenmarkts stellen viele traditionelle Wohlfahrtsprogramme in Frage. Inwiefern ist die Europäische Union in der Lage, die nationalen Wohlfahrtsstaaten bei der Bewältigung dieser Herausforderungen zu unterstützen? Nach einem Überblick über die historische Entwicklung und den heutigen Stand der europäischen Sozialpolitik stellt der Beitrag die sozialpolitischen Neuerungen im mittlerweile verabschiedeten EU-Verfassungsvertrag vor und diskutiert ihre möglichen Folgen. Die neuen Bestimmungen bieten Raum für eine Sicherung und Stärkung der nationalen sozialpolitischen Handlungsspielräume und für eine Weiterentwicklung der sozialen Dimension durch den EuGH. Zur Erklärung dieser Resultate werden die kontroversen politischen Diskussionen im Europäischen Konvent untersucht, der den Verfassungsvertrag in wesentlichen Teilen inhaltlich gestaltet hat. Dabei zeigen sich nationale, aber vor allem auch parteipolitisch verlaufende Konfliktlinien.' (Autorenreferat)'The welfare states in Europe are confronted with a twofold challenge. Both internal changes such as the ageing of our societies and external developments such as globalisation and European economic integration are threatening the viability of many welfare state policies. What can the European Union do to support domestic welfare states in coping with these challenges? The paper first provides an overview of the historical evolution of EU social policy and its current state of affairs. Then, it presents the innovations in the areas of social policy introduced by the EU's constitutional treaty and discusses their likely effects. The new provisions may be used to loosen the tight grip of the EU's internal market rules on domestic welfare states, and they offer ample opportunities for the ECJ to further the development of supranational social regulation by case law. In order to explain these outcomes, the paper analyses the controversial debates in the European Convention, revealing that the cleavages within the Convention ran along national but also to a significant degree along party political lines.' (author's abstract)