Towards feasible social security systems in sub-Saharan Africa

The international community is devoting increasing attention to social security issues in developing countries as part of its preoccupation with poverty reduction. This paper discusses social security arrangements in place in sub-Saharan African countries to mitigate the contingencies of their citizens, with emphasis on the masses of poor people, including the ways in which the poor themselves try to tackle unexpected adversity. The basic argument is that for a social security system to be feasible in the current circumstances of widespread economic crisis, formal and informal mechanisms will have to be combined. While recognising the normative foundation of social security in the international human rights regime and taking its point of departure in the vulnerability of poor households the paper looks at various definitions of social security. It proceeds with an enumeration of formal state-based and market-based systems, as well as informal membership-based systems in civil society and traditional kinship-based systems. Taking into account the demographic impacts of the HIV/AIDS pandemic the paper concludes that the feasibility of social security arrangements in the present economic circumstances of sub-Saharan Africa hinges on the combination of formal and informal sub-systems

Between shamba and factory: preliminary results from a study of oscillatory labour migration in Kenya

Oscillatory labour migration is shown to predominate the labour market in Kenya, involving the periodic-physical movement by workers between town and the rural areas where their families stay and cultivate a shamba. This structure means that part of the reproduction cost of the labourer and his family is borne by non capitalist agriculture which in actual fact thus subsidises heavily industrial wages. An attempt is made to quantify the degree of subsidisation

Review of the Norwegian Development Fund Portfolio in Ethiopia

This report reviews the Ethiopian portfolio of the Development Fund (DF), a Norwegian NGO, which has evolved from supporting relief work by one Tigrayan organisation in the 1980s to supporting ten projects with several organisations in Tigray and Afar Regions and networking with other organisations in Ethiopia and beyond. The portfolio focuses on socio-economic development to alleviate poverty and increase food security, primarily through agriculture, and on natural resource management in dryland areas, including maintenance of biodiversity. The DF is giving growing attention to strengthening civil society and pastoral livelihood development. The portfolio has been managed in a satisfactory way through good communication and regular monitoring visits. The partnership model, built on mutual trust, involves considerable delegation of managerial responsibility to Ethiopian partners. This model is probably cost effective, although it involves certain risks. On the whole, the resources provided through the DF have been used efficiently to achieve the objectives. The DF’s participatory approach helps anchor projects in local communities and provides space for dialogue and mutual influence. By promoting local ownership of the projects, a basis is laid for successful and cost-effective implementation and long-term sustainability. The DF is involved in several networks, the most important ones for the Ethiopian portfolio being the Dryland Co-ordination Group (DCG) and the Triangular Institutional Cooperation Project. Much of the DF partners’ work focuses on empowering women in economic, social and political terms. The DF is broadening its range of partners to include NGOs in different ethnic and geographical contexts. It wants to support government decentralisation and to create synergies with traditional governance institutions, especially in pastoral societies. There is a need for more dialogue with partners about this strategy and about addressing human-rights issues in the specific context of Ethiopia

Kenya Constitutional Documents: A Comparative Analysis

This study compares the three constitutional documents listed below that were the subject of debate in Kenya’s constitutional reform process in 2005: 1. The Constitution of Kenya (the present constitution with amendments that has been in existence since 1969); 2. The Draft Constitution of Kenya, 2004 – the so-called Bomas Draft that was prepared by the Constitution of Kenya Review Commission (CKRC) and endorsed by the National Constitution Conference held at the Bomas of Kenya, hence the term ‘Bomas Draft’; 3. The Proposed New Constitution of Kenya – the draft that the Attorney-General and the Parliamentary Select Committee on Constitution Review prepared through adjustment of the Bomas Draft after the meetings at Naivasha (the Naivasha Accord) and Kilifi (the Kilifi Accord). The Proposed New Constitution of Kenya is informally referred to as the ‘Wako Bill’ with reference to its principal author, the Kenyan Attorney-General, Amos Wako. In conclusion, we also project a number of scenarios as to the future of constitution-making in Kenya in view of the rejection by the people of the Wako Bill in the referendum held on 21 November 2005, and the subsequent dissolution of the Cabinet and the prorogation of Parliament, as well as the formation of a new Cabinet

The Institutional Context of the 2004 General Elections in Malawi

This report summarises the findings of a joint research project undertaken by the Centre for Social Research, Chr. Michelsen Institute and the Universities of Malawi and Bergen. Ensuring that elected political leaders play by the rules of the political game and act in accordance with their mandates without violating citizens’ rights is a challenge for new democracies in sub-Saharan Africa. Electoral processes essentially begin long before elections actually take place. The analysis of electoral processes, therefore, requires a long time horizon. Central political institutions of accountability are analysed to determine the extent to which they have managed to stem executive dominance when put to the test of the parliamentary and presidential elections held on 20 May 2004. Attention is drawn to four key institutions of democratic governance: (a) those responsible for electoral administration; (b) the party system; (c) parliament; and (d) the judiciary. The electoral cycle – comprising the entire time period from one election to the next – is analysed in six phases: (i) registration of voters and compilation of voters’ roll; (ii) nomination of candidates; (iii) civic and voter education; (iv) the electoral campaign; (v) the polling exercise, including counting of ballots and announcement of results; (vi) conversion of electoral mandate into political positions. The 2004 general elections were judged to be ‘free but not fair’ due to inadequacies in the administration of the electoral process. Civil society organisations as well as domestic and international election observers have emphasised the need to restructure the Malawi Electoral Commission to improve its performance and ensure the legitimacy of the election results

Malawi: A Political Economy Analysis

This report provides a comprehensive political economy analysis of contemporary Malawi. The country epitomises the primacy of patrimonial politics – including endemic corruption – with a powerful presidency at the helm and a weak legislature, although with a largely independent judiciary. Political parties, barely distinguishable in terms of policies and ideology, are dominated by strong personalities whose regional and ethnic provenance influence voter preferences. Political clientelism, characterised by informal decision-making, trumps sound economic policy formulation and implementation, despite purported efforts to reform and build institutions based on legal-rational Weberian principles. This inhibits long-term transformation of the ailing agrarian economy vulnerable to climate change. The report recounts salient features of social sectors such as education and health, and highlights the burden posed by high population growth rates on resources and social services. Improvements have been noted in civil and political rights but less in economic and social rights owing largely to the fact that half the population live in poverty. Apart from social and electoral cleavages, Malawi exhibits no serious domestic conflicts. A dispute with Tanzania over the northern part of Lake Malawi remains unresolve