99 research outputs found

    The legalization of same-sex marriage in a state is a signal that causes certain groups to change their opinion to support the policy

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    Five years ago, Iowa became the third U.S. state to allow same-sex marriages when the state Supreme Court issued a unanimous and very unpopular decision in the case Varnum v. Brien. Since this decision, public attitudes towards same-sex marriage in the state, and the United States in general, have changed dramatically. Rebecca Kreitzer, Allison Hamilton and Caroline Tolbert draw on a unique panel telephone survey in which the same individuals are interviewed before and after the Iowa Supreme Court legalized same-sex marriage to understand what groups of citizens were most likely to change their opinions on marriage rights in response to the Court’s decision. We find that the signaling of new social norms by the Court pressured some respondents to modify their attitudes. As the states continue on this rapid trajectory of legalizing same-sex marriage, we may see substantial shifts in attitudes towards LGBT rights

    Black candidates who create positive feelings among voters can overcome implicit racist attitudes

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    With more explicit forms of racism having declined in recent decades, the implicit racial attitudes of how people feel about policies designed to help minorities, or ‘symbolic racism’, has begun to gain attention. But how do these forms of more implicit racism affect how minority political candidates are evaluated by voters? Using national election surveys carried out in 2012, David Redlawsk, Caroline Tolbert and Natasha Altema McNeely find that both positive and negative emotional responses to candidates running for office can help to condition the influence of underlying levels of racial resentment in shaping how voters evaluate them. More negative emotions, such as fear, make levels of symbolic racism worse, while more positive ones, such as hope, can help to overcome the effects of such racism

    A New Measure of Digital Economic Activity and its Impact on Local Opportunity

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    Online businesses and platform work can create the impression that the digital economy is ephemeral and placeless. But the digital economy is experienced locally, and its effects are spatial. Measuring them requires better community-level data on economic activities online. While new government data measures broadband subscriptions down to neighborhoods, existing public data do not measure how broadband is used in local communities, and whether this digital activity affects economic outcomes. We analyze new monthly data on over 20 million domain name hosts/websites in the United States from November 2018 to November 2020 drawing on customer data. Surveys show that 3 out of 4 of these domains are commercial, including microbusinesses as well as websites for both online and brick-and-mortar establishments. How is the density of domain name hosts in a community (the number in a zip code or county divided by the population) related to local economic opportunity, controlling for other known factors? Using statistical matching and time series data, results show the density of domain name hosts positively predicts community economic prosperity, recovery from the 2008 recession, and change in median income. Interactions between the density of these hosts and broadband subscriptions also predict lower monthly unemployment rates over time, including after the March 2020 pandemic. Commercial data can improve our understanding of broadband\u27s impacts, including its potential for inclusive growth in diverse communities

    Overactive bladder and caffeine: comparing women with and without mental health diagnoses

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    Caffeine is a stimulant thought to activate the pleasure centre in the brain, commonly used in the general public for purposeful attempt to alter mood, and also commonly perceived to be a bladder irritant with associated urgency and frequency symptoms. Mental health diagnosis, such as depression, is also associated with overactive bladder. Taken together, it is plausible that women with overactive bladder symptoms along with comorbid mental health symptoms may also show higher caffeine intake but no data exist. This pilot study's purpose was to determine in women with overactive bladder, if those with a mental health diagnosis (we included anxiety, depression, post-traumatic stress disorder and bipolar diagnosis) consume a significantly higher amount of caffeine than those without any of these diagnoses. Secondary analysis was performed on data from women with overactive bladder recruited into a longitudinal parent study on beverage management. All parent study participants met criteria of urgency and voiding more than seven times per day. Each kept a detailed 3-day diary of beverage intake. From the total parent study pool of 61, we identified 14 women with a comorbid mental health diagnosis as described above and 47 without when interviewed at baseline. Women with mental health diagnosis demonstrated higher median baseline caffeine intake per day than their counterparts without mental health diagnosis: 240·2 mg (range: 72·3–576·0 mg) versus 174·3 mg (range: 0–567·6 mg), which was marginally significant ( p = · 053). Volume of caffeinated beverage intake did not differ significantly. In women with overactive bladder and comorbid mental health symptoms, higher caffeine intake may be a previously unrecognized link. Cause and effect is unknown between the three conditions of overactive bladder, mental health disorders and higher caffeine intake; but this initial data support the need for further research.Peer Reviewedhttp://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/79289/1/j.1749-771X.2010.01079.x.pd

    Priming Presidential Votes by Direct Democracy

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    We demonstrate that direct democracy can affect the issues voters consider when evaluating presidential candidates. Priming theory assumes that some voters have latent attitudes or predispositions that can be primed to affect evaluations of political candidates. We demonstrate that: (1) state ballot measures on same sex marriage increased the salience of marriage as an issue that voters used when evaluating presidential candidates in 2004, particularly those voters less interested in the campaign and those likely to be less attentive to the issue prior to the election; and (2) that the printed issue (gay marriage) was a more important factor affecting candidate choice in states where marriage was on the ballot

    Public opinion on reforming U.S. primaries

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    Objective: Few studies have measured public attitudes about reform proposals for changing direct primaries. Despite strong public support over the past century for holding primaries, does the public want to change the direct primary, given its very low voter turnout and its potential role in fostering political polarization?. Method: Using a unique nationally representative survey of 3000 U.S. adults conducted in March 2023 by YouGov, this study shows that a majority of Americans support reform of primary elections. Results: The reforms which receive the greatest support are those that seem more “democratic” such as establishing national congressional primary and holding open primaries. There is lower support for reforms that give political parties more control over selecting candidates, such as state party conventions. There are significant differences between Republicans, Democrats, and independents, while factors such as interest, education, gender, and race have a minimal impact. Individuals living in states with nonpartisan primaries are more favorable toward this specific reform, ranked-choice voting, and open primaries, but primary type was not significant in regression models. Conclusions: The public is opposed to reforms that give parties more say in choosing candidates, consistent with public sentiment a century earlier when the direct primary was adopted

    Citizens as legislators: direct democracy in the United States

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    (print) xii, 316 p. : ill. ; 24 cmForeword -- Acknowledgments -- An overview of direct democracy in the American states. p.1 -- Election law and rules for using initiatives. p.27 -- California's political warriors: campaign professionals and the initiative process. p.55 -- Contending players and strategies: opposition advantages in initiative elections. p.80 -- Direct legislation: when is it used and when does it pass? p.109 -- Searching for ideological consistency in direct legislation voting. p.132 -- The influence of elite endorsements in initiative campaigns. p.149 -- Changing rules for state legislatures: direct democracy and governance policies. p.171 -- Pressuring legislatures through the use of initiatives: two forms of indirect influence. p.191 -- Race/ethnicity and direct democracy: the contextual basis of support for anti-immigrant and Official English measures. p.209 -- Direct democracy and minorities: changing attitudes about minorities targeted by initiatives. p.228 -- Responsive or responsible government? p.249 -- References. p.275 -- Index. p.309 -- Contributors. p.31
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