157 research outputs found

    The long-term effects of development aid - Empirical studies in rural West Africa.

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    This article is based on field studies in rural West Africa. It concentrates on the socio-structural effects of development aid in the long run, in contrast to numerous available evaluation reports on the short-run effects of development projects. The study reveals that superficial generalisations or condemnations of development projects, like the big farmers benefit at the expense of the smaller ones, or the men benefit at the expense of the women, do not hold up to verification. Quite to the contrary one observes a wide range of specific adapted forms by which the target groups react to the demands and offers of development projects, and thereby transform their own social structure. In short, one observes a great diversity of social self-organisation. The bureaucratic structures of the development administration do, however, unfortunately - more often than not - ignore the social dynamic of their target groups which they nevertheless sustain unconsciously. Development aid has become an important political and economic factor in most African countries. Its financial impact often exceeds that of the national budget. It contributes, therefore, significantly to the development of a bureaucratic class and of its clients: the project development degenerates into a project nationalization / bureaucratization. This contrasts vividly with the strategies of the peasants. Men and women at village level do not accept any longer the paternalistic development approach. They just select what they need out of the packages of solutions that are offered to them, while they develop their own solutions, like a variety of seeds adapted to their specific resource endowments, diversified sources of income, different strategies of accumulation and risk prevention. All this allows for a gradual evolution by variation and selection. The dynamic of the rural society is to a large extent due to a competition of different (strategic) groups, opposed to one another, about the partitioning of the cake of development aid. Normally this struggle between different vested interests is covered up by the rhetoric of development planning. Planned development has up to now proven to be to rigid, to be able to take account of the complex and subtle fabric of self organisation. Aid sometimes appears to be a second best substitute for a vision of a democratic society. This is due to the fact that the structures we are aiming for in the long run - which are to allow for open markets, an orientation of the producers at the resources and needs of the nation, and last not least, the growth of indigenous structures of self-help - would require a responsible and democratic government, as well as the guarantee of civil rights, accountability, an independent judiciary, freedom of the press, etc.; up to now, however, all these elements are still oppressed by the commando state itself, well nourished by the various forms of technical and financial aid.development cooperation; ODA; evaluation; Africa; social structure;

    The long-term effects of development aid: empirical studies in rural West Africa

    Get PDF
    This article is based on field studies in rural West Africa. It concentrates on the socio-structural effects of development aid in the long run, in contrast to numerous available evaluation reports on the short-run effects of development projects. The study reveals that superficial generalisations or condemnations of development projects, like the big farmers benefit at the expense of the smaller ones, or the men benefit at the expense of the women, do not hold up to verification. Quite to the contrary one observes a wide range of specific adapted forms by which the target groups react to the demands and offers of development projects, and thereby transform their own social structure. In short, one observes a great diversity of social self-organisation. The bureaucratic structures of the development administration do, however, unfortunately - more often than not - ignore the social dynamic of their target groups which they nevertheless sustain unconsciously. Development aid has become an important political and economic factor in most African countries. Its financial impact often exceeds that of the national budget. It contributes, therefore, significantly to the development of a bureaucratic class and of its clients: the project development degenerates into a project nationalization / bureaucratization. This contrasts vividly with the strategies of the peasants. Men and women at village level do not accept any longer the paternalistic development approach. They just select what they need out of the packages of solutions that are offered to them, while they develop their own solutions, like a variety of seeds adapted to their specific resource endowments, diversified sources of income, different strategies of accumulation and risk prevention. All this allows for a gradual evolution by variation and selection. The dynamic of the rural society is to a large extent due to a competition of different (strategic) groups, opposed to one another, about the partitioning of the cake of development aid. Normally this struggle between different vested interests is covered up by the rhetoric of development planning. Planned development has up to now proven to be to rigid, to be able to take account of the complex and subtle fabric of self organisation. Aid sometimes appears to be a second best substitute for a vision of a democratic society. This is due to the fact that the structures we are aiming for in the long run - which are to allow for open markets, an orientation of the producers at the resources and needs of the nation, and last not least, the growth of indigenous structures of self-help - would require a responsible and democratic government, as well as the guarantee of civil rights, accountability, an independent judiciary, freedom of the press, etc.; up to now, however, all these elements are still oppressed by the commando state itself, well nourished by the various forms of technical and financial aid.Cet article est basĂ© sur des Ă©tudes de terrain en Afrique de l'Ouest rural. Il se concentre sur les effets socio-structurelles de l'aide au dĂ©veloppement dans le long terme, contrairement Ă  de nombreux rapports d'Ă©valuation disponibles sur les effets Ă  court terme des projets de dĂ©veloppement. L'Ă©tude rĂ©vĂšle que des gĂ©nĂ©ralisations superficielles ou condamnations de projets de dĂ©veloppement, comme les gros agriculteurs profitent au dĂ©triment des plus petits, ou les hommes bĂ©nĂ©ficient d'avantages au dĂ©triment des femmes, ne tiens pas. Bien au contraire, on observe une vaste gamme de formes adaptĂ©es spĂ©cifiques par lesquels les groupes cibles rĂ©agissent aux demandes et les offres de projets de dĂ©veloppement, et ainsi transformer leur propre structure sociale. En bref, on observe une grande diversitĂ© de l'auto-organisation sociale. Les structures bureaucratiques de l'administration du dĂ©veloppement, cependant, ignorent malheureusement - le plus souvent - la dynamique sociale de leurs groupes cibles dont ils soutiennent nĂ©anmoins inconsciemment. L'aide au dĂ©veloppement est devenue un facteur politique et Ă©conomique important dans la plupart des pays africains. Son impact financier dĂ©passe souvent celle du budget national. Il contribue donc de maniĂšre significative au dĂ©veloppement d'une classe bureaucratique et de ses clients: le dĂ©veloppement du projet dĂ©gĂ©nĂšre en un projet de nationalisation / bureaucratisation. Cela contraste vivement avec les stratĂ©gies des paysans. Hommes et femmes au niveau du village n’accepter plus la dĂ©marche de dĂ©veloppement paternaliste. Ils sĂ©lectionnent tout ce dont ils ont besoin sur les paquets de solutions qui leur sont offertes, alors qu'ils dĂ©veloppent leurs propres solutions, comme une variĂ©tĂ© de semences adaptĂ©es Ă  leurs dotations en ressources spĂ©cifiques, diversification des sources de revenus, stratĂ©gies d'accumulation diffĂ©rentielles et la prĂ©vention des risques. Tout ceci permet une Ă©volution progressive de variation et de sĂ©lection. La dynamique de la sociĂ©tĂ© rurale est dans une large mesure due Ă  un concours de diffĂ©rents groupes (stratĂ©giques), par opposition Ă  un autre, sur le partage du gĂąteau de l'aide au dĂ©veloppement. Normalement, cette lutte entre les diffĂ©rents intĂ©rĂȘts est couvert par la rhĂ©torique de la planification du dĂ©veloppement. DĂ©veloppement planifiĂ© Ă©tait jusqu'Ă  prĂ©sent trop rigide, pour ĂȘtre en mesure de prendre en compte le tissu complexe et subtile de l'auto-organisation. Aide semble parfois ĂȘtre un substitut Ă  une vision d'une sociĂ©tĂ© dĂ©mocratique. Cela est dĂ» au fait que les structures que nous visons dans le long terme - qui doivent permettre l'ouverture des marchĂ©s, une orientation des producteurs Ă  des ressources et des besoins de la nation, la croissance des structures autochtones d'auto-assistance - exigerait un gouvernement responsable et dĂ©mocratique, ainsi que la garantie des droits civils, une justice indĂ©pendante, la libertĂ© de la presse, etc . Jusqu'Ă  prĂ©sent, cependant, tous ces Ă©lĂ©ments sont toujours opprimĂ©s par l'Ă©tat commando lui-mĂȘme, bien nourrie par les diverses formes d'aide technique et financiĂšre

    Ethnologie und außeruniversitĂ€re Praxis

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    In der akademischen Ethnologie wird hĂ€ufig verdrĂ€ngt, dass die meisten Absolventen und Absolventinnen heute außerhalb der UniversitĂ€t arbeiten, die wenigsten Dozenten aber diese Berufswelt aus eigener Anschauung kennen. Dabei gibt es mittlerweile vermutlich auch in Deutschland mehr nicht-akademische als akademische Ethnologen. An der UniversitĂ€t wird jedoch wenig darĂŒber reflektiert, welche Kompetenzen das Studium der Ethnologie vermittelt, die fĂŒr die Praxis von Bedeutung sind. Dies ist nicht in einem technischen Sinne gemeint. Absolventen erwĂ€hnen in diesem Zusammenhang eher einen gewissen ‚Erkenntnisstil‘, eine bestimmte Herangehensweise an Probleme. Stichworte sind hier systematischer Perspektivenwechsel, das Einnehmen des ‚emischen Blicks‘, die Aufmerksamkeit fĂŒr das Informelle und fĂŒr verdeckte Strukturen, ein eher normfreies Herangehen an gesellschaftliche Probleme, kulturelle Offenheit fĂŒr unterschiedliche RealitĂ€ten, SensibilitĂ€t fĂŒr die Verwendung von Sprache, auf der Basis genauen Hinhören, SensibilitĂ€t fĂŒr das Nicht-Gesagte und die Selbstreflexion in Bezug auf die eigene  Erkenntnisposition. Noch weniger wird in der akademischen Ethnologie darĂŒber reflektiert, welches theoretische Potential die außerakademische Praxis hat

    Les projets et les politiques de dĂ©veloppement, sont‑ils des prĂ©occupations lĂ©gitimes de l'anthropologie ?

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    L'Afrique sub‑saharienne a constituĂ© depuis les annĂ©es 70 un point de convergence et de concentration de l'aide internationale au dĂ©veloppement. On essaya avec cette aide d'endiguer la dĂ©gradation massive de la situation Ă©conomique de la plupart de ces États et, avant tout, celle des conditions de vie de la majoritĂ© de leurs populations. Que cette aide au dĂ©veloppement ait pu atteindre ses objectifs est douteux ; mĂȘme ses critĂšres propres de succĂšs attestent du contraire. Pourtant, l'aide au ..

    Brauchen wir mehr Afrika-Politologen und weniger Äthiopisten?

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    Alberto Arce, Negotiating agricultural development : Entanglements of bureaucrats and rural producers in Western Mexico (Wageningen Studies in Sociology. 34), Wageningen : Agricultural University 1993.ISBN 9047‑54‑283‑0 ; 187 pp.

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    Development aid projects are not simply a matter of the mechanical implementation of predefined programmes. They involve a permanent process of negotiation between actors who often represent very different interests, strategies and "life worlds". They are the prototype of a social and cultural "interface" and should, therefore, be se en as privileged places for anthropological observation and analysis, given that cultural difference has been the main focus of interest since the establishment ..

    Alberto Arce, Negotiating agricultural development : Entanglements of bureaucrats and rural producers in Western Mexico (Wageningen Studies in Sociology. 34), Wageningen : Agricultural University 1993.ISBN 9047‑54‑283‑0 ; 187 pp.

    Get PDF
    Development aid projects are not simply a matter of the mechanical implementation of predefined programmes. They involve a permanent process of negotiation between actors who often represent very different interests, strategies and "life worlds". They are the prototype of a social and cultural "interface" and should, therefore, be se en as privileged places for anthropological observation and analysis, given that cultural difference has been the main focus of interest since the establishment ..

    The development of new, low-cost perfluoroalkylether fluids with excellent low and high-temperature properties

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    A series of perfluoroalkylether (PFAE) fluids were synthesized by direct fluorination. Viscosity-temperature properties, oxidation stabilities, oxidation-corrosion properties, and lubricity were determined. The fluids were tested in the presence of common elastomers to check for compatibility. The bulk modulus of each was measured to determine if any could be used as nonflammable aircraft hydraulic fluid. It was determined that as the carbon to oxygen ratio decreases, the viscometric properties improve, the fluids may become poor lubricants, the bulk modulus increases, the surface tension increases, and the fluid density increases. The presence of difluoromethylene oxide units in the polymer does not seriously lower the oxidation and oxidation-corrosion stabilities as long as the difluoromethylene oxide units are separated by other units
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