大阪地域における近世被差別部落の人口動態とその背景についての一考察 : 河内国丹北郡更池村内の近世部落を中心として

The overall demographic pattern in early-modern Japan showed a steady increase in population during the early Edo period, followed by a phase during which the population remained stagnant or actually declined during the mid-Edo period, and finally a stage of resumed growth at the end of the period. On the other hand, the trend among Buraku communities almost everywhere in Japan during the mid- and late-Edo periods was toward continued growth. During the 1950s researchers were already attributing this paradox not to the influx of new blood into the Buraku communities but to a natural increase brought about by a high birth rate. New research since the 1970s has sought to pursue the reasons for the increase more deeply. Among the factors that have come to light is that occupations of the residents of the Buraku communities had come to include the making of straw sandals and drums, farming, day-labouring, and many other pursuits as well as the traditional tanning of animal hides. As a result, their economic well-being improved to the extent that the practices of abortion and infanticide, previously common among both peasants and townspeople especially during famines, became less of a necessity than before, leading naturally to an increase in population. In the present paper I begin by setting out the data about population increase in Buraku communities in both the Osaka region and Japan as a whole during the period in question. Following that I outline the increase in the Buraku population of Saraike Village, Tanboku county, Kawachi from the pre-Edo period to the beginning of the modern period, seeking especially to throw light on the background to the changes. By these means I show that in the said village too there was a variety of occupations, and that this variety lay behind the natural increase that the village population showed. However, another conclusion that emerges clearly from this research is that more than 60% of the houses were rented, and that during times of bad harvests the death rate among babies and infants was considerably higher than among other peasants. It is clear, in other words, that life was by no means stable for those living in the Buraku communities

Maximal Points of Head's Zone in Fixed Drug Eruption

The principles determining the primary localization of lesions in fixed drug eruption (FDE) are still unknown. Studies investigating the predilection areas in FDE have indicated drug-related, trauma-related, or inflammation-related specific site involvement, as well as visceracutaneous reflex-related specific site involvement. The importance of viscerocutaneous reflexes for the location of dermatoses was first recognized in the 1960s. Head's zones are viscerocutaneous reflex projection fields on the skin that extend over certain dermatomes and possess a reflex-associated maximal point. Recently, in a Turkish collective of patients, three women with the primary location of FDE lesions on the maximal points of Head's zones were presented. We also experienced 3 cases with FDE where the lesions were located at specific sites (buttocks), the so-called maximal points of Head's zones, which are known to be the most active dermatomal areas of an underlying visceral pathology. An underlying internal disturbance (ureter stone, pyelonephritis and chronic pelvic inflammatory disease) was found in all 3 patients, corresponding to the organ-related maximal point of Head's zones in each case. In conclusion, the primary location of FDE lesions on the maximal points of Head's zones revealed relevant organ disorders with corresponding projection fields

エド ゼンキ ニオケル クサバ ノ ジッタイ ト シギュウバ ノ シュトク ジョウキョウ シュトク ホウシキ カワチコク イシカワグン シンドウムラ エダゴウ カワタムラ ノ バアイ ナマセ カツミ キョウジュ ツイトウゴウ

The present article aims to elucidate the real conditions of kusaba (a territory in which one was allowed to acquire dead bodies of cattle and horses free of charge) in one of the kawata villages (buraku) called "Kawata Village, Edago, Shindo Village" which was located in the former Kawachi Country (part of the present Osaka Prefecture) and the accession of dead cattle and horses, through the analysis of the journal book on "cattle"as of January 1683 and "horses" as of December 1686.The "cattle journal" of January 1683 was a ledger on dead cattle for the three years from 25 April 1683 to 25 March 1686. It contains detailed information about the time and place (kusaba) of acquiring dead cattle, and about when and where (what village) the cattle died and who acquired the dead cattle at each "ba" (division of a kusaba).The "horse journal" of December 1686 was a ledger on dead horses for the period of ten years from 16 December 1686 to 1697. It also contains the same detailed information as the above-mentioned cattle journal.According to these historical materials, the kusaba of this kawata village covered the entire Nishigori and Ishikawa counties of Kawachi Country and some parts of Furuichi County and Tannan County of Kawachi. In the present Osaka prefecture, it is only Shima Village, Minami County of Izumi Country where details of kusaba such as boundaries and methods of getting dead bodies in ba are available. Some information is also available in the historical material on village boundary relations in regard to kusaba in Minami Oji Village of Izumi County of Izumi Country and Kawata of Hojo Village of Sasara County of Kawachi Country.The above "cattle journal" reveals that dead cattle during the three years from 25 April 1683 to 25 March 1686 amounted to 241, an annual average of about 80. The "horse journal" reveals that dead horses during the ten years from 16 December 1686 to 12 February 1697 amounted to 153, an annual average of about 15. The number of dead cattle and horses in each ba is concentrated in Kishi-ba and Nagano-ba, which included more villages (34 for Kishi and 29 for Nagano) . Especially, the dead cattle were much more concentrated in Kishi-ba, leaving Nagano-ba far behind. This could be explained by geographical factors, i. e., the former had more plain fields and fewer hills. In the pre-modern period, cattle were exclusively used for cultivation of the land. As for dead horses, Nagano-ba is in first place, with "Kishi-ba" following. The above geographical factors could explain this outcome. Work on the hillsides required horses as helpers rather than cattle. This could also be explained by the fact that the Koya Road, where horses were the main means of transportation, ran through Nagano.Looking at the numbers of dead cattle by 10 owners of kusaba stocks, Niemon obtained 90, overwhelmingly exceeding others. He was followed by Chubei, who gained 48 dead cattle. During the period from 1683 to1697, owners of kusaba presumably numbered around 70 or 80, indicating that they were just part of the kawata village population.Looking at the numbers of dead horses by 14 owners of kusaba stocks, Niemon obtained 60, again leaving the rest far behind. Here again, Chubei followed him with 48.In the Kansai area, the dead cattle and horses were to be obtained by the stock owners living in the place where the animals had died, and not in the place where their owners lived. The distribution system was very elaborate and sophisticated, in order to be fair and effective to achieve the agreed distribution ratios among stock owners. For example, it aimed at 1) alleviating dissatisfaction or sense of unfairness caused by such contingencies as whether dead cattle had burns, had died of disease or age, or had died in a place where disposal was not easy, etc ; and 2) avoiding concentration of the acquisition and disposal of dead cattle and horses in one household by chance, and adequately sharing the animals among many. (It was very difficult to dispose of many dead cattle or horses at one time by one household, even though it had several skilled workers.