Where To Prosecute Cybercrimes

Selecting the appropriate venue for a criminal trial has been a matter of constitutional concern since the founding of the country. The issue is thought to be essential to the fair administration of justice and thus public confidence in the criminal justice system. Constitutionally, crimes must be prosecuted in the states and districts in which they were committed. However, the rise of cybercrime has complicated the venue inquiry: cyberspace, the domain of cybercrime, and physical space have become increasingly decoupled. Consequently, under America’s primary but dated cybercrime law, the ideal location for a trial may not be a constitutionally proper venue. This Note explores several possible approaches to permitting cybercrime trials to take place in the locations where they belong, including through an old but recently revisited judicially-created test for venue and through possible legislative reform

Where To Prosecute Cybercrimes

Selecting the appropriate venue for a criminal trial has been a matter of constitutional concern since the founding of the country. The issue is thought to be essential to the fair administration of justice and thus public confidence in the criminal justice system. Constitutionally, crimes must be prosecuted in the states and districts in which they were committed. However, the rise of cybercrime has complicated the venue inquiry: cyberspace, the domain of cybercrime, and physical space have become increasingly decoupled. Consequently, under America’s primary but dated cybercrime law, the ideal location for a trial may not be a constitutionally proper venue. This Note explores several possible approaches to permitting cybercrime trials to take place in the locations where they belong, including through an old but recently revisited judicially-created test for venue and through possible legislative reform

Regional VARs and the channels of monetary policy

We find that the magnitudes of the regional effects of monetary policy were considerably dampened during the Volcker-Greenspan era. Further, regional differences in the depths of monetary-policy-induced recessions are related to the concentration of the banking sector, whereas differences in the total cost of these recessions are related to industry mix.Monetary policy

Conclusion of Viking Lander Imaging Investigation: Picture catalog of experiment data record

The images returned by the two Viking landers during the Viking Survey Mission are presented in this report. Listing of supplemental information which describe the conditions under which the images were acquired are included. Subsets of the images are listed in a variety of sequences to aid in locating images of interest. The format and organization of the digital magnetic tape storage of the images are described. A brief description of the mission and the camera system is also included

Structural breaks and regional disparities in the transmission of monetary policy

Using a regional VAR, we find large differences in the effects of monetary policy shocks across regions of the United States. We also find that the region-level effects of monetary policy differ a great deal between the pre-Volcker and Volcker-Greenspan periods in terms of their depth and length. The two sample periods also yield very different rankings of the regions in terms of the effects of monetary policy. Our regional VAR also suggests that aggregate VARs that ignore regional variations can suffer from severe aggregation bias. We use the results of our regional VAR to find evidence that recession depth related to the banking concentration and that the total cost of recession is related to the industry mix. Finally, we demonstrate that the differences between the two sample periods are due to changes in the mechanism by which monetary policy shocks are propagated.Monetary policy ; Regional economics ; Economic conditions

The problems of management-union acceptance of predetermined motion and time studies with trends over the near term

Thesis (M.B.A.)--Boston Universit

American Intervention in Nicaragua, 1848-1861

In the decade following the Mexican War, Nicaragua became one of the focal points for American expansion. Manifest Destiny, commercial interests, the spirit of adventure, and the desire for a transit route--preferably a canal--across the Central American Isthmus all contributed to the attraction this small Central American state had for official and unofficial American expansionist sentiment. The first efforts to establish a viable transit route through Nicaragua were made by Cornelius Vanderbilt who signed a treaty with the Nicaraguan government in 1849 calling for both the establishment of a land crossing and the construction of a canal. Later Vanderbilt reorganized his enterprise into three separate companies: the Vanderbilt Steamship Line to carry passengers from American ports to those in Nicaragua, the Accessory Transit Company to transport passengers across the Isthmus, and the American Atlantic and Pacific Ship Canal Company to build the canal. For financial and technical reasons, the canal construction was never undertaken. Nonetheless, a land and water transit across Nicaragua was functioning smoothly by 1855. Before that time, however, Vanderbilt\u27s control of the transit company had been challenged by former colleagues, and this dispute was never definitively resolved. A soldier of fortune, William Walker of Tennessee, took advantage of the Liberal-Conservative civil war raging in Nicaragua in 1855 to make himself temporary master of that nation. He was finally dislodged in 1857 by Nicaraguan dissidents and the combined forces of the other four Central American republics, along with the intervention of the United States Navy. Also in 1855, Henry L. Kinney of Texas took a group of American colonists to Nicaragua to settle a portion of the Caribbean coast which he purportedly had purchased. Encountering the enmity of Walker, Nicaragua, Great Britain, and the United States Department of State, the colony foundered and died within a few months. Throughout the period, the United States government attempted to maintain a correct diplomatic posture toward Nicaragua and the other Central American states, blunt British commercial and imperialistic thrusts in the region, and restrict illegal activities of its own citizens while trying to protect their legitimate rights and interests. The State Department underwent severe frustration, having been unable to conclude a satisfactory treaty of friendship and commerce with Nicaragua during the entire decade. With the onset of the Civil War in 1861, American attention was diverted from the Isthmus, not to be renewed until the end of the century. For its part, Nicaragua emerged from the period with an increased sensitivity toward foreign intervention or entanglements, and with a heightened xenophobia directed at the United States. The most valuable sources for this study were the New York newspapers, the State Department Archives, and the collected papers and published accounts of some of the participants. Unfortunately, Nicaraguan sources are sparse: the instability of the period, subsequent changes in archival locations, and finally, the 1972 earthquake have combined to make documentary material on the period negligible