84 research outputs found

    Le statut de že ('que') dans les phrases indépendantes en tchèque

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    International audienceCet article examine et compare les propriétés du morphème 'že' ('que') dans les propositions subordonnées et les phrases indépendantes (interrogatives et exclamatives) en tchèque. Nous montrons que 'že' a des propriétés syntaxiques (position, combinatoire avec les mots interrogatifs et les éléments contrastifs) et sémantiques (contenu sémantique, interprétation de la proposition) différentes en fonction de type de phrase dans laquelle il apparaît. Ceci nous amène à proposer que 'že' corresponde à deux têtes syntaxique distinctes dans la périphérie gauche de la phrase (Rizzi 1997) : tête de force phrastique et tête de focus

    Wh-questions with conjoined Wh-items

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    International audienceThis paper examines two types of wh-questions with conjoined wh-words. In type 1 questions, all wh-words appear at the beginning of the interrogativeclause (kde a kdy jí viděl ? = 'where and when did he see her ?'). In type 2 questions, one or more wh-words appear at the beginning of the clause, and the wh-item introduced by the conjunction appears at the end of the clause (kde jí viděl a kdy? = 'where did he see her and when ?'). Ii is showed that conjoined wh-words in these two types of questions have different prosodic, syntactic, and semantic properties. It is then argued that these differences can be explained if we analyze type 1 coordination as clause internal coordination of wh-phrases, and type 2 coordination as resultting from coordination of two clauses with consequent ellipsis

    Czech questions with two wh-words

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    International audienceThis paper discusses three types of questions with two wh-words in Czech. It is shown that these questions involve different syntactic constructions with different semantic representations. In questions with multiple fronting, wh-words either activate DistributiveP and ShareP projections at Logical Form, which leads to their pair-list reading, or the second one moves to ContrastP, which leads to their contrastive specific reading. In questions with fronting and conjunction, the coordinate wh-phrase occupies the Spec of ContrastP, which leads to a specific reading of conjoined wh-words. Questions with a final conjoined wh-word involve conjoined single questions

    Parataxe apparente et coordination des interrogatifs en tchèque

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    International audienceDans cet article, nous analysons trois types de questions (Qs) à deux interrogatifs en tchèque : Qs multiples (Int1 Int2 ...?), Qs avec coordination de type 1 (Int1 Conj Int2...?) et Qs coordination de type 2 (Int1...Conj Int2?). Nous montrons que ces questions diffèrent sur le plan sémantique aussi bien que sur le plan syntaxique et qu'elles ne peuvent pas donc avoir la même structure syntaxique. Nous présentons en particulier des arguments contre une analyse paratactique des questions multiples. Les interrogatifs dans ces constructions sont des constituants indépendants qui occupent chacun une position associée à une interprétation quantifiée dans la périphérie gauche de la phrase. Au contraire, les interrogatifs coordonnés du type 1 forment un syntagme coordonné qui occupe une seule position dans la périphérie gauche de la phrase. Malgré leurs fonctions grammaticales différentes, les interrogatifs peuvent être coordonnés, car ils ont la même fonction de focus sur le plan informationnel. Enfin, nous montrons que la séquence Conj Int dans les coordinations de type 2 doit être analysée comme une phrase elliptique. On peut considérer que cette phrase est coordonnée à la phrase qui précède, ou alors adjointe

    What kind of element is 'že' in Czech?

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    International audienceThis paper examines the syntactic and semantic behaviour of the morpheme že 'that' in subordinate and independent clauses in Czech. I show that že does not have the same properties in these two contexts. In embedded contexts, že combines with a declarative clause (proposition) and obligatorily marks its syntactic dependence. In independent contexts, že appears in interrogative clauses or in declarative clauses associated with exclamation, and it triggers a particular (echo or tag) interpretation. However, in all contexts, že seems to indicate a discrepancy between the speaker's and someone else commitment to a same proposition

    Verbs and particles in minimal answers to yes-no questions in Czech

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    International audienceThis paper examines verbs and answering particles in minimal answers to yes-no questions in Czech. It is first argued that minimal answers involve ellipsis of the clause (IP) including second position clitics except for the verb that moves to the CP domain and the particles that are generated in the polarity projection in the CP domain. The verb moves to the FocP because it bears the polarity feature that is focused in polar question-answer pairs. Other focused XPs can also move to FocP. Negative questions are then argued to contain expletive or true negation. In the former case, they behave as positive (open) questions, while in the latter case, they behave as negative declaratives, i.e. convey a negative presupposition and have a fixed polarity. Negative questions containing true negation are confirmed by 'ano' (yes) and denied by 'ne' (no), because the particles here (dis)confirm the polarityof the presupposition conveyed by the question. To account for distribution of the particles, we propose that particles express two kinds of polarity: (i)absolute polarity [+] or [–] in answers to open questions, and (ii) relative polarity [same] or [reverse] in answers to questions with fixed polarity. Relative polarity simply indicates whether the polarity of the question and that of the answer are identical or different. The proposed analysis does not claim that there are two ano or ne in the lexicon. Rather, each particle is a single lexical item, whose polarity is interpreted in an absolute or in a relative way

    Growth of sulphuric acid nanoparticles under wet and dry conditions

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    New particle formation, which greatly influences the number concentrations and size distributions of an atmospheric aerosol, is often followed by a rapid growth of freshly formed particles. The initial growth of newly formed aerosol is the crucial process determining the fraction of nucleated particles growing to cloud condensation nuclei sizes, which have a significant influence on climate. In this study, we report the laboratory observations of the growth of nanoparticles produced by nucleation of H<sub>2</sub>SO<sub>4</sub> and water in a laminar flow tube at temperatures of 283, 293 and 303 K, under dry (a relative humidity of 1%) and wet conditions (relative humidity of 30%) and residence times of 30, 45, 60 and 90 s. The initial H<sub>2</sub>SO<sub>4</sub> concentration spans the range from 2 × 10<sup>8</sup> to 1.4 × 10<sup>10</sup> molecule cm<sup>−3</sup> and the calculated wall losses of H<sub>2</sub>SO<sub>4</sub> were assumed to be diffusion limited. The detected particle number concentrations, measured by the Ultrafine Condensation Particle Counter (UCPC) and Differential Mobility Particle Sizer (DMPS), were found to depend strongly on the residence time. Hygroscopic particle growth, presented by growth factors, was found to be in good agreement with the previously reported studies. The experimental growth rates ranged from 20 nm h<sup>−1</sup> to 890 nm h<sup>−1</sup> at relative humidity (RH) 1% and from 7 nm h<sup>−1</sup> to 980 nm h<sup>−1</sup> at RH 30% and were found to increase significantly with the increasing concentration of H<sub>2</sub>SO<sub>4</sub>. Increases in the nucleation temperature had a slight enhancing effect on the growth rates under dry conditions. The influence of relative humidity on growth was not consistent – at lower H<sub>2</sub>SO<sub>4</sub> concentrations, the growth rates were higher under dry conditions while at H<sub>2</sub>SO<sub>4</sub> concentrations greater than 1 × 10<sup>10</sup> molecule cm<sup>−3</sup>, the growth rates were higher under wet conditions. The growth rates show only a weak dependence on the residence time. The experimental observations were compared with predictions made using a numerical model, which investigates the growth of particles with three different extents of neutralization by ammonia, NH<sub>3</sub>: (1) pure H<sub>2</sub>SO<sub>4</sub> – H<sub>2</sub>O particles; (2) particles formed by ammonium bisulphate, (NH<sub>4</sub>)HSO<sub>4</sub>; (3) particles formed by ammonium sulphate, (NH<sub>4</sub>)<sub>2</sub>SO<sub>4</sub>. The highest growth rates were found for ammonium sulphate particles. Since the model accounting for the initial H<sub>2</sub>SO<sub>4</sub> concentration predicted the experimental growth rates correctly, our results suggest that the commonly presumed diffusional wall losses of H<sub>2</sub>SO<sub>4</sub> in case of long-lasting experiments are not so significant. We therefore assume that there are not only losses of H<sub>2</sub>SO<sub>4</sub> on the wall, but also a flux of H<sub>2</sub>SO<sub>4</sub> molecules from the wall into the flow tube, the effect being more profound under dry conditions and at higher temperatures of the tube wall. Based on a comparison with the atmospheric observations, our results indicate that sulphuric acid alone cannot explain the growth rates of particles formed in the atmosphere

    Temperature-Dependent Diffusion of H2SO4 in Air at Atmospherically Relevant Conditions : Laboratory Measurements Using Laminar Flow Technique

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    We report flow tube measurements of the effective sulfuric acid diffusion coefficient at ranges of different relative humidities (from similar to 4 to 70%), temperatures (278, 288 and 298 K) and initial H2SO4 concentrations (from 1 x 10(6) to 1 x 10(8) molecules.cm(-3)). The measurements were carried out under laminar flow of humidified air containing trace amounts of impurities such as amines (few ppt), thus representing typical conditions met in Earth's continental boundary layer. The diffusion coefficients were calculated from the sulfuric acid wall loss rate coefficients that were obtained by measuring H2SO4 concentration continuously at seven different positions along the flow tube with a chemical ionization mass spectrometer (CIMS). The wall loss rate coefficients and laminar flow conditions were verified with additional computational fluid dynamics (CFD) model FLUENT simulations. The determined effective sulfuric acid diffusion coefficients decreased with increasing relative humidity, as also seen in previous experiments, and had a rather strong power dependence with respect to temperature, around proportional to T-5.6, which is in disagreement with the expected temperature dependence of similar to T-1.75 for pure vapours. Further clustering kinetics simulations using quantum chemical data showed that the effective diffusion coefficient is lowered by the increased diffusion volume of H2SO4 molecules via a temperature-dependent attachment of base impurities like amines. Thus, the measurements and simulations suggest that in the atmosphere the attachment of sulfuric acid molecules with base molecules can lead to a lower than expected effective sulfuric acid diffusion coefficient with a higher than expected temperature dependence.Peer reviewe

    Advances in formal Slavic linguistics 2017

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    Advances in Formal Slavic Linguistics 2017 is a collection of fifteen articles that were prepared on the basis of talks given at the conference Formal Description of Slavic Languages 12.5, which was held on December 7-9, 2017, at the University of Nova Gorica. The volume covers a wide array of topics, such as control verbs, instrumental arguments, and perduratives in Russian, comparatives, negation, n-words, negative polarity items, and complementizer ellipsis in Czech, impersonal se-constructions and complementizer doubling in Slovenian, prosody and the morphology of multi-purpose suffixes in Serbo-Croatian, and indefinite numerals and the binding properties of dative arguments in Polish. Importantly, by exploring these phenomena in individual Slavic languages, the collection of articles in this volume makes a significant contribution to both Slavic linguistics and to linguistics in general
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