Agrarian struggles in the era of climate change, populism and authoritarianism in Myanmar

Studies on land grabs since the 2007-2008 crisis have looked at how appropriation of land by foreign and national elite actors have been connected to dispossession of marginalized populations, and how they in turn, have resisted. In the era of climate change, land been increasingly been connected to climate change and as target of climate change mitigation politics. At the same time, the contemporary global rise in authoritarian and populist politics have shaped how struggles over land and resources are framed an fought. The aim of this study was to investigate these dynamics by asking: How and under what conditions are contemporary land struggles in the era of authoritarianism, populism and climate change framed and fought?” It seeks to answer the question by investigating the political economic, ecological, political regime and social movement conditions in Burma/Myanmar, historically and up to the period of liberalization under President Thein Sein and the NLD party (2011- 2020). It looks at how authoritarian and populist dynamics in the reformist era relate to the wider political economy and have shaped land and resource struggles, as well as how newly arriving climate change mitigation politics intersect with historic dynamics of conflict and accumulation. The study draws on participant observation and ethnographic methods, interviews, personal conversations, and an engaged, scholar-activist approach. It also draws on secondary data and historical materials.The study found that firstly, land struggles are embedded in a longer history of capitalist development, ecological transformations, state-building and eth- nic-territorial conflicts in Burma/Myanmar since British colonial rule. Second- ly, struggles over land and resources are also struggles over the state, where the state and society are understood as arenas of struggle. Despite historically en- trenched military dominance, authoritarianism, and populism as fluid features of the state actors and dynamics. Thirdly, mainstream solutions to resolving land conflicts, including titling and formalization based on transparency and multi-stakeholderism are insufficient in resolving longstanding conflicts over land and resources. Fourthly, struggles over land are also struggles of environ- mental and climate justice, referred to in this study as “agrarian climate justice” struggles, and are not only struggles over resources but also for recognition and representation, and about democratizing the state more generally. Political dynamics of scaling up struggles across large-scale palm oil concessions, extractivist mining projects and top-down conservation projects in the southern Tanintharyi region push windows of opportunity but are not without tensions and fault-lines. Finally, land struggles in peri-urban spaces contest forms of authoritarian and developmentalist dispossession and illustrate the commonalities between urban and rural land struggles, where underlying logics can pro- vide the seed for cross-class alliances across these spaces.The study concludes that contemporary struggles over land cannot overlook the environmental climate crises and struggle over other resources, the wider political economy and shaping the state. This means contesting historic en- trenched power of military-linked elites and navigating spaces of contestation over territory. These become relevant to the contemporary struggles against continued and deepening violent authoritarianism under military rule since February 2021.<br/

Agrarian struggles in the era of climate change, populism and authoritarianism in Myanmar

Studies on land grabs since the 2007-2008 crisis have looked at how appropriation of land by foreign and national elite actors have been connected to dispossession of marginalized populations, and how they in turn, have resisted. In the era of climate change, land been increasingly been connected to climate change and as target of climate change mitigation politics. At the same time, the contemporary global rise in authoritarian and populist politics have shaped how struggles over land and resources are framed an fought. The aim of this study was to investigate these dynamics by asking: How and under what conditions are contemporary land struggles in the era of authoritarianism, populism and climate change framed and fought?” It seeks to answer the question by investigating the political economic, ecological, political regime and social movement conditions in Burma/Myanmar, historically and up to the period of liberalization under President Thein Sein and the NLD party (2011- 2020). It looks at how authoritarian and populist dynamics in the reformist era relate to the wider political economy and have shaped land and resource struggles, as well as how newly arriving climate change mitigation politics intersect with historic dynamics of conflict and accumulation. The study draws on participant observation and ethnographic methods, interviews, personal conversations, and an engaged, scholar-activist approach. It also draws on secondary data and historical materials.The study found that firstly, land struggles are embedded in a longer history of capitalist development, ecological transformations, state-building and eth- nic-territorial conflicts in Burma/Myanmar since British colonial rule. Second- ly, struggles over land and resources are also struggles over the state, where the state and society are understood as arenas of struggle. Despite historically en- trenched military dominance, authoritarianism, and populism as fluid features of the state actors and dynamics. Thirdly, mainstream solutions to resolving land conflicts, including titling and formalization based on transparency and multi-stakeholderism are insufficient in resolving longstanding conflicts over land and resources. Fourthly, struggles over land are also struggles of environ- mental and climate justice, referred to in this study as “agrarian climate justice” struggles, and are not only struggles over resources but also for recognition and representation, and about democratizing the state more generally. Political dynamics of scaling up struggles across large-scale palm oil concessions, extractivist mining projects and top-down conservation projects in the southern Tanintharyi region push windows of opportunity but are not without tensions and fault-lines. Finally, land struggles in peri-urban spaces contest forms of authoritarian and developmentalist dispossession and illustrate the commonalities between urban and rural land struggles, where underlying logics can pro- vide the seed for cross-class alliances across these spaces.The study concludes that contemporary struggles over land cannot overlook the environmental climate crises and struggle over other resources, the wider political economy and shaping the state. This means contesting historic en- trenched power of military-linked elites and navigating spaces of contestation over territory. These become relevant to the contemporary struggles against continued and deepening violent authoritarianism under military rule since February 2021.<br/

BRCA1 Directs the Repair Pathway to Homologous Recombination by Promoting 53BP1 Dephosphorylation

Summary: BRCA1 promotes homologous recombination (HR) by activating DNA-end resection. By contrast, 53BP1 forms a barrier that inhibits DNA-end resection. Here, we show that BRCA1 promotes DNA-end resection by relieving the 53BP1-dependent barrier. We show that 53BP1 is phosphorylated by ATM in S/G2 phase, promoting RIF1 recruitment, which inhibits resection. 53BP1 is promptly dephosphorylated and RIF1 released, despite remaining unrepaired DNA double-strand breaks (DSBs). When resection is impaired by CtIP/MRE11 endonuclease inhibition, 53BP1 phosphorylation and RIF1 are sustained due to ongoing ATM signaling. BRCA1 depletion also sustains 53BP1 phosphorylation and RIF1 recruitment. We identify the phosphatase PP4C as having a major role in 53BP1 dephosphorylation and RIF1 release. BRCA1 or PP4C depletion impairs 53BP1 repositioning, EXO1 recruitment, and HR progression. 53BP1 or RIF1 depletion restores resection, RAD51 loading, and HR in PP4C-depleted cells. Our findings suggest that BRCA1 promotes PP4C-dependent 53BP1 dephosphorylation and RIF1 release, directing repair toward HR. : Following induction of DNA double-strand break, a pro-end-joining environment is created in G2 by transient 53BP1 phosphorylation and RIF1 recruitment. Here, Isono et al. show that, if timely repair does not ensue, BRCA1 promotes 53BP1 dephosphorylation and RIF1 release, favoring repair by homologous recombination. Keywords: ATM, DNA-end resection, BRCA1, 53BP1, RIF1, PP4C, NHEJ, H

Heparin cofactor II reduces albuminuria

Aims/Introduction: Thrombin exerts various pathophysiological functions by activating protease-activated receptors (PARs). Recent data have shown that PARs influence the development of glomerular diseases including diabetic kidney disease (DKD) by regulating inflammation. Heparin cofactor II (HCII) specifically inactivates thrombin; thus, we hypothesized that low plasma HCII activity correlates with DKD development, as represented by albuminuria. Materials and Methods: Plasma HCII activity and spot urine biomarkers, including albumin and liver-type fatty acid-binding protein (L-FABP), were determined as the urine albumin-to-creatinine ratio (uACR) and the urine L-FABP-to-creatinine ratio (uL-FABPCR) in 310 Japanese patients with diabetes mellitus (176 males and 134 females). The relationships between plasma HCII activities and those DKD urine biomarkers were statistically evaluated. In addition, the relationship between plasma HCII activities and annual uACR changes was statistically evaluated for 201/310 patients (115 males and 86 females). Results: The mean plasma HCII activity of all participants was 93.8 ± 17.7%. Multivariate-regression analysis including confounding factors showed that plasma HCII activity independently contributed to the suppression of the uACR and log-transformed uACR values (P = 0.036 and P = 0.006, respectively) but not uL-FABPCR (P = 0.541). In addition, plasma HCII activity significantly and inversely correlated with annual uACR and log-transformed uACR increments after adjusting for confounding factors (P = 0.001 and P = 0.014, respectively). Conclusions: The plasma HCII activity was inversely and specifically associated with glomerular injury in patients with diabetes. The results suggest that HCII can serve as a novel predictive factor for early-stage DKD development, as represented by albuminuria

Heparin Cofactor II and NAFLD in T2DM

Aims: Thrombin exerts various pathophysiological functions by activating protease-activated receptors (PARs), and thrombin-induced activation of PARs promotes the development of non-alcoholic fatty liver disease (NAFLD). Since heparin cofactor II (HCII) specifically inactivates thrombin action, we hypothesized that plasma HCII activity correlates with the severity of NAFLD. Methods: A cross-sectional study was conducted. Plasma HCII activity and noninvasive clinical markers of hepatic fibrosis including fibrosis-4 (FIB-4) index, NAFLD fibrosis score (NFS) and aspartate aminotransferase-to-platelet ratio index (APRI) were determined in 305 Japanese patients with type 2 diabetes mellitus (T2DM). The relationships between plasma HCII activity and the clinical markers were statistically evaluated. Results: Multiple regression analysis including confounding factors showed that plasma HCII activity independently contributed to decreases in FIB-4 index (p＜0.001), NFS (p＜0.001) and APRI (p=0.004). In addition, logistic regression analysis for the prevalence of advanced hepatic fibrosis defined by the cutoff points of the clinical scores showed that plasma HCII activity was the sole and common negative factor for prevalence of advanced hepatic fibrosis (FIB-4 index: p=0.002, NFS: p=0.026 and APRI: p=0.012). Conclusions: Plasma HCII activity was inversely associated with clinical hepatic fibrosis indices including FIB-4 index, NFS and APRI and with the prevalence of advanced hepatic fibrosis in patients with T2DM. The results suggest that HCII can serve as a novel biomarker for assessment of hepatic fibrosis of NAFLD in patients with T2DM

Seaweed intake and blood pressure levels in healthy pre-school Japanese children

<p>Abstract</p> <p>Background</p> <p>Few studies have examined whether dietary factors might affect blood pressure in children. We purposed to investigate whether seaweed intake is associated with blood pressure level among Japanese preschool children.</p> <p>Methods</p> <p>The design of the study was cross-sectional and it was conducted in autumn 2006. Subjects were healthy preschoolers aged 3-6 years in Aichi, Japan. Blood pressure and pulse were measured once by an automated sphygmomanometer, which uses oscillometric methods. Dietary data, including seaweed intake, were assessed using 3-day dietary records covering 2 consecutive weekdays and 1 weekend day. Of a total of 533 children, 459 (86.1 percent) agreed to be enrolled in our study. Finally, blood pressure measurement, complete dietary records and parent-reported height and weight were obtained for 223 boys and 194 girls.</p> <p>Results</p> <p>When we examined Spearman's correlation coefficients, seaweed intake was significantly negatively related to systolic blood pressure in girls (<it>P </it>= 0.008). In the one-way analysis of covariance for blood pressure and pulse after adjustments for age and BMI, the boys with the lowest, middle and highest tertiles of seaweed intake had diastolic blood pressure readings of 62.8, 59.3 and 59.6 mmHg, respectively (<it>P </it>= 0.11, trend <it>P </it>= 0.038). Girls with higher seaweed intake had significantly lower systolic blood pressure readings (102.4, 99.2 and 96.9 mmHg for girls with the lowest, middle and highest tertiles of seaweed intake, respectively; <it>P </it>= 0.037, trend <it>P </it>= 0.030).</p> <p>Conclusion</p> <p>Our study showed that seaweed intake was negatively related to diastolic blood pressure in boys and to systolic blood pressure in girls. This suggests that seaweed might have beneficial effects on blood pressure among children.</p

Carbon-Ion Beam Irradiation Kills X-Ray-Resistant p53-Null Cancer Cells by Inducing Mitotic Catastrophe

Background and Purpose: To understand the mechanisms involved in the strong killing effect of carbon-ion beam irradiation on cancer cells with TP53 tumor suppressor gene deficiencies.Copyright:Materials and Methods: DNA damage responses after carbon-ion beam or X-ray irradiation in isogenic HCT116 colorectal cancer cell lines with and without TP53 (p53+/ + and p53-/-, respectively) were analyzed as follows: cell survival by clonogenic assay, cell death modes by morphologic observation of DAPI-stained nuclei, DNA doublestrand breaks (DSBs) by immunostaining of phosphorylated H2AX (γH2AX), and cell cycle by flow cytometry and immunostaining of Ser10-phosphorylated histone H3.Results: The p53-/- cells were more resistant than the p53+/+ cells to X-ray irradiation, while the sensitivities of the p53+/+ and p53-/- cells to carbon-ion beam irradiation were comparable. X-ray and carbon-ion beam irradiations predominantly induced apoptosis of the p53+/+ cells but not the p53-/- cells. In the p53-/- cells, carbon-ion beam irradiation, but not X-ray irradiation, markedly induced mitotic catastrophe that was associated with premature mitotic entry with harboring longretained DSBs at 24 h post-irradiation.Conclusions: Efficient induction of mitotic catastrophe in apoptosis-resistant p53- deficient cells implies a strong cancer cell-killing effect of carbon-ion beam irradiation that is independent of the p53 status, suggesting its biological advantage over X-ray treatment

Emerging ‘agrarian climate justice’ struggles in Myanmar

The intersection between land grabs and climate change mitigation politics in Myanmar has created new political opportunities for scaling up, expanding and deepening struggles toward ‘agrarian climate justice’. Building on the concepts of ‘political opportunities’ and ‘rural democratization’ to understand how rural politics is relevant to national regime changes in the process of deepening democracy, this paper argues that scaling up beyond the local level becomes necessary to counter the concentration of power at higher levels. At the same time, this vertical process is inextricable from building horizontal networks and rooting struggles in communities. By looking at national-level land policy advocacy for more just land laws, accountability politics in mining at a regional level in the southern Tanintharyi region, and the bottom-up establishment of local indigenous territories, this paper illustrates how expanding these struggles becomes necessary, but is also accompanied by potential fault-lines. These fault-lines include divergent political tendencies within the network and challenges to working in areas contested by the Burmese state and ethnic armed organizations