The question of freedom in Foucault and la boetie

Para lograr entender la cuestión de la libertad en Foucault, es necesario analizar la problemática de la “servidumbre voluntaria”, cuya enigmática condición fue examinada primero por Étienne de La Boétie. Su ensayo, titulado De la Servitude Volontaire, discute el enigma de la política quizá más complejo: ¿por qué los hombres se someten al dominio? A partir de la idea de que la libertad, lejos de significar ausencia de poder, solo se puede entender y realizar por medio de su relación con el mismo poder, el autor pretende demostrar que Foucault, por un lado, se interesa por lo que nos relaciona con el poder respecto de los varios niveles de nuestra subjetivación; por otro lado, por cómo somos capaces de resistir, poner en duda y problematizar este vínculo y de comprometernos con prácticas de auto-constitución que, para él, son “prácticas de libertad”.This paper argues that the key to understanding question of freedom in Foucault lies in the problematic of ‘voluntary servitude’, whose enigmatic condition was first explored in the sixteenth century by Étienne de La Boétie. The essay, De la Servitude Volontaire, comes to grips with what is perhaps the most intractable enigmas in politics: why people freely submit to their own domination. Starting from the idea that freedom, so far from signifying the absence of power, is only intelligible and realizable through its relation to power, the author shows that Foucault is concerned with that which binds us to power at the level of our subjectivities; and, with the other side of this, how we are able to resist, contest and problematize this attachment, and how we are able to engage in practices of self-constitution which are, for him, ‘practices of freedom’

Political Theology and the Anthropocene

Carl Schmitt’s political theology—which refers to the translation of theological concepts into secular political and legal categories, namely sovereignty and the state of exception—is defined against a background of “metaphysical” constellations where, according to Schmitt, bourgeois individualism and the nihilism of technology have come to dominate the modern age. My argument is that our contemporary age is dominated by a new “metaphysical” constellation—the Anthropocene. This condition—to which the ecological crisis is inextricably related—demands an entirely different kind of political theology to Schmitt’s sovereign-centric and anthropocentric version. As an alternative, I propose a political theology of planetary entanglement and care based on approaches from eco-political theology (Moltmann, Latour, Keller) and animal studies (Deleuze, Agamben, and Ciamatti)

Political theology and religious pluralism: Rethinking liberalism in times of post-secular emancipation

Recent debates in liberal political theory have sought to come to terms with the post-secular condition, characterised by deep religious pluralism, the resurgence of right-wing populism, as well as new social movements for economic, ecological and racial justice. These forces represent competing claims on the public space and create challenges for the liberal model of state neutrality. To better grasp this problem, I argue for a more comprehensive engagement between liberalism and political theology, by which I understand a mode of theorising that reveals the theological basis of modern secular political concepts. In considering two contrasting approaches to political or public theology – Carl Schmitt’s and Jürgen Moltmann’s – I argue that liberal political theory can and should open itself to a diversity of social movements and ecological struggles that pluralise the political space in ways that unsettle the boundary between the secular and religious

Power, Freedom and Obedience in Foucault and La Boétie: voluntary servitude as the problem of government

I investigate the contemporary problem of obedience through an exploration of Michel Foucault and Étienne de La Boétie, showing how the former drew on the latter’s concept of voluntary servitude as a way of thinking through the paradoxical relationship between power, freedom and subjectivity. My argument is that Foucault’s theory of government as the ‘conduct of conduct’ may be understood as a reflection on the question of voluntary servitude. My aim here is twofold. First, it is to show that obedience is an ethical and political problem just as relevant today as it was in La Boétie’s time. Secondly, it is to suggest that voluntary servitude should be interpreted in an emancipatory way, as a problematic that reveals the ontological primacy of freedom and the fragility and instability of power. ‘Voluntary inservitude’ is something that can be expressed in acts of civil disobedience, and alternate modes of ethical conduct and association

Gustav Landauer's anarcho-mysticism and the critique of political theology

This paper explores the anarcho-mystical thought of Gustav Landauer as a critical response to Schmitt's sovereign-centric political theology. It is argued that Landauer's thought effects a radical displacement of the concept of state sovereignty through autonomous forms of community, subjectivity and affinity. Central here, I argue, is his notion of mystical withdrawal and spiritual self-transformation. I develop some parallels here with recent interventions in Italian (im)political thought in which the representative capacity of sovereignty is called into question. I conclude by suggesting that anarcho-mysticism, as a critical engagement with political theology, not only broadens out this category, but offers a way of interpreting new forms of activism and dissent

Post-truth and the crisis of the political.

Entiendo la posverdad como un nuevo paradigma en política, uno que va más allá de la mera mentira política y señala el declive de la autoridad simbólica de la verdad misma. En la medida en que, como afirmó Arendt, la política depende de un reconocimiento compartido de ciertas verdades fácticas, la posverdad representa una crisis de la vida política. La condición de la posverdad es una condición pospolítica. Para comprender esto a fondo, necesitamos comprender la relación paradójica entre verdad y política, afrontando una problemática que se remonta a los orígenes de las demos en la antigua Grecia: el conflicto original entre la verdad singular del filósofo y los asuntos e intereses de la polis. Aquí me basaré en dos enfoques diferentes para este problema: la discusión de Hannah Arendt sobre la relación conflictiva, pero inextricable, entre la estabilidad de la verdad y la contingencia y pluralidad de la vida política; y la exploración de Michel Foucault de la parrësia o ‘discurso franco’, una forma de decir la verdad que, aunque a menudo está en conflicto con la polis, también es necesaria para cualquier noción de conducta ética en la vida política. Ambos enfoques sugieren que la política tiene alguna relación esencial con la verdad, incluso si la verdad a menudo se encuentra impotente frente a la mera opinión. Sin embargo, aunque haya algunas dudas sobre la eficacia actual de afirmar los hechos contra las mentiras o ‘decir la verdad ante el poder’, sostengo que hay algo valioso en la idea de Foucault de decir la verdad como una forma de subjetivación ética (y también política).I understand post-truth as a new paradigm in politics - one that goes beyond mere political lying and spin and points to the decline of the symbolic authority of truth itself. In so far as, as Arendt claimed, politics depends on a shared acknowledgement of certain factual truths, post-truth thus represents a crisis of political life. The post-truth condition is a post-political condition. To grasp this thoroughly, we need to understand the paradoxical relationship between truth and politics, locating a problematic that goes back to the very origins of the demos in ancient Greece: the original conflict between the singular truth of the philosopher and the affairs and concerns of the polis. Here I will draw on two different approaches to this problem: Hannah Arendt’s discussion of the conflicting, and yet inextricable, relationship between the stability of truth and the contingency and plurality of political life; and Michel Foucault’s exploration of parrësia or ‘frank speech’ – a form of truth-speaking which, while often in conflict with the polis, is also necessary for any notion of ethical conduct in political life. Both approaches suggest that politics bears some essential relation to truth, even if truth often finds itself impotent in the face of mere opinion. Yet, while there is some question about the efficacy today of asserting facts against lies or ‘speaking truth to power’, I argue that there is something valuable in Foucault’s idea of truth speaking as a form of ethical (and also political) subjectivation

'Critique will be the art of voluntary inservitude': Foucault, La Boetie and the Problem of Power.

One of the more seemingly problematic areas of Foucault’s thought is on the question of freedom. What place does freedom have in Foucault’s thought; how might it be understood? If ‘power is everywhere’, if it is coextensive with all social relations, if it is to be found in everyday interactions between individuals, then what room is left for freedom? How can spaces for freedom be reconciled with the ubiquity of power relations, with the apparent omnipresence of disciplinary constraints, forms of power/knowledge which construct individuals as subjects, and with governmental rationalities aimed at normalising behaviour? Foucault sees freedom as a kind of ‘game’ played with power, as a series of strategic moves that can take place within certain limits set by power. However, if this is the case, it would seem to offer only limited opportunities for freedom. Freedom, and the possibilities of resisting power, would seem to be produced by, or at least realised through, the operation of power itself, and are therefore always constrained by it

Recontesting the Sacred: political theology as ideological method

In this paper, we explore the contribution that political theology can make to the study of political ideologies. In foregrounding the interaction between theological and political ways of thinking, political theology traces the lingering presence of the sacred in secular politics. It refers not merely to religious doctrines but also to a variety of ways of registering the ‘extraordinary’ dimension in modern political orders. We sketch the development of political theological analysis from the sovereign-centric account famously proffered by Carl Schmitt to more recent versions that identify the sacred with a plurality of struggles against secular power. New types of ideological formation, we argue, can be interpreted as instances of this latter political theology, particularly those expressing what we call a radical politics of redemption that recontests the moral foundations of politics. Although highly divergent, these typically underscore the threat to a specified sacred source, make appeals to the lived experience of suffering and mobilize supporters as a model of communion seeking moral healing. We consider the example of contemporary populism to illustrate this redemptive mode of theological politics and recommend political theology, a method that can supplement the study of political ideology

Errors as a primary cause of late-life mortality deceleration and plateaus

Several organisms, including humans, display a deceleration in mortality rates at advanced ages. This mortality deceleration is sufficiently rapid to allow late-life mortality to plateau in old age in several species, causing the apparent cessation of biological ageing. Here, it is shown that late-life mortality deceleration (LLMD) and late-life plateaus are caused by common demographic errors. Age estimation and cohort blending errors introduced at rates below 1 in 10,000 are sufficient to cause LLMD and plateaus. In humans, observed error rates of birth and death registration predict the magnitude of LLMD. Correction for these sources of demographic error using a mixed linear model eliminates LLMD and late-life mortality plateaus (LLMPs) without recourse to biological or evolutionary models. These results suggest models developed to explain LLMD have been fitted to an error distribution, that ageing does not slow or stop during old age in humans, and that there is a finite limit to human longevity