Reconstruction in German relative clauses : in favor of the matching analysis

In this paper I argue in favor of a Matching Analysis for German relative clauses. The Head Raising Analysis is shown to fail to account for parts of the reconstruction pattern in German, especially cases where only the external head is interpreted and the absence of Principle C effects. I propose a Matching Analysis with Vehicle Change and make consistent assumptions about possible deletion operations in relatives so that the entire pattern can be captured by one analysis which therefore proves superior to previous ones

On an alternative to long A´-movement in German and Dutch

This paper provides an analysis of an alternative strategy to A´-movement in both German and Dutch where the extracted constituent is preceded by a preposition and a coreferential pronoun appears in the extraction site. The construction has properties of both binding and movement: Whereas reconstruction effects suggest movement out of the embedded clause, there is strong evidence that the operator constituent is linked to an A-position in the matrix clause; this paradox is resolved by assuming a Control-like approach that involves movement from the embedded clause into a theta-position in the matrix clause with subsequent short A´- movement. The coreferential pronoun is interpreted as a resumptive heading a Big-DP which hosts the antecedent in its specifier

Resumptive pronouns and Matching effects in Zurich German Relative clauses as distributed deletion

Zurich German (ZG) relative clauses are remarkable from a Germanic point of view in that resumptive pronouns are employed instead of relative pronouns. Reconstruction effects and Strong Crossover violations show that movement is involved in the derivation of ZG relative clauses. Matching effects sensitive to case and preposition provide crucial evidence that the distribution of resumptives is determined by general licensing conditions on oblique case and prepositions. The matching/non-matching dichotomy is modeled as an instance of Distributed Deletion, which is claimed to be independently available in the language. Matching is furthermore sensitive to the actual surface form and thus favors a late insertion approach to morphology

Resumptive pronouns and Matching effects in Zurich German Relative clauses as distributed deletion

Zurich German (ZG) relative clauses are remarkable from a Germanic point of view in that resumptive pronouns are employed instead of relative pronouns. Reconstruction effects and Strong Crossover violations show that movement is involved in the derivation of ZG relative clauses. Matching effects sensitive to case and preposition provide crucial evidence that the distribution of resumptives is determined by general licensing conditions on oblique case and prepositions. The matching/non-matching dichotomy is modeled as an instance of Distributed Deletion, which is claimed to be independently available in the language. Matching is furthermore sensitive to the actual surface form and thus favors a late insertion approach to morphology

Rasprava o “problematičnom pacijentu” ne pridonosi oporavku Talking about “the problematic patient” does not benefit recovery

The norm in therapy and treatment is that patients should follow instructions and show compliance in order to achieve the desired outcome. However, outcomes are not always achievable in those cases when patients do not comply with the care instructions and therefore are called noncompliant patients (Jin, Sklar, Min Sen Oh, Chuen, 2008)

The syntax and semantics of past participle agreement in Alemannic

International audienceThis paper investigates agreement on past participles in Highest Alemannic dialects of German. We will first show that participle agreement only occurs in contexts where the participle is adjectival, viz., in stative passives and in resultative perfects, but not in eventive perfects. The participles thus pattern with predicative adjectives, which also display agreement in these varieties. In the main part of the paper, we address double compound perfects and eventive passives, which also display agreement on the lexical participle. Even though it is initially not obvious that the participle is adjectival in these cases, we will provide syntactic evidence for their adjectival status. Furthermore, we will pursue the hypothesis that the adjectival head of all agreeing participles is a stativizer, even in the double compound perfect and the eventive passive. At the same time, both the double compound perfect and the eventive passive also clearly have an eventive component. We will model their behavior by treating the participles as mixed categories, viz., as adjectival heads that take a large amount of verbal structure as their complement (VoiceP/AspP). While recent work on German stative passives has argued that even those should be analyzed as containing a substantial amount of verbal structure, the behavior of participles in the double perfect and the eventive passive in the varieties under consideration is clearly different. They thus contribute to the typology of adjectival passives in German and beyond and show that the familiar distinction between 'adjectival' and 'verbal' participles needs to be further refined