POŁUDNIOWOKOREAŃSCY LIDERZY W POLITYCE DEMOKRATYZACJI

This article aims to show the process of formation and operation (functioning) of the changing political system of South Korea. It is undertaken for the analysis of the process of the collapse of the former authoritarian political system and formation of South Korean democracy. Indicated in this article are the roles and participation of political leaders (Chun Doo Hwan, Roh Tae Woo, Kim Young Sam, and Kim Dae Jung) in the process of intense political change that took place in South Korea from the 1980s to the late twentieth century.During the authoritarian regimes of South Korea, the nation recorded spectacular economic development, but without political development. Political leadership in the democratization of the country was still authoritarian. Core values and attitudes of politicians pointed to the presence of the cultural heritage of Confucianism in politics.본고의 목적은 한국의 변화하는 정치 체제의 형성과 운영(기능)과정을 보여주는 것이다. 이 연구는 전독재정치체제가 붕괴되고 남한민주주의가 형성되는 과정을 분석하기 위해 착수되었다. 본 연구서는 1980년대부터 20세기말까지 한국에서 일어난 치열한 정치적 변화 과정에서 정치지도자 (전두환, 노태우, 김영삼, 김대중)의 역할과 참여가 검토된다. 독재정권시대에 한국은 놀라운 경제발전을 기록했지만 정치발전은 없었다. 국가의 민주화에서 정치적 리더십은 여전히 독재적이었다. 정치가의 핵심 가치와 태도는 정치에서 유교의 문화유산이 존재함을 지적했다.Artykuł ma na celu ukazanie procesu kształtowania się i funkcjonowania zmieniającego się systemu politycznego w Korei Południowej. Podejmowana zostaje analiza procesu upadku autorytarnego systemu politycznego i formowanie się południowokoreańskiej demokracji. Wskazano na rolę i uczestnictwo liderów politycznych (Chun Doo Hwan, Roh Tae Woo, Kim Young Sam, Kim Dae Jung) w procesie intensywnych zmian politycznych, które miały miejsce w Korei Południowej pod koniec lat 80 XX wieku.W okresie autorytarnych rządów Korea Południowa odnotowała spektakularny rozwój gospodarczy, jednak nie towarzyszył temu rozwój polityczny. Przywództwo polityczne w demokratyzującym się państwie nadal pozostawało autorytarne. Ponadto wyznawane wartości i postawy polityków wskazywały na obecność kulturowego dziedzictwa konfucjanizmu w polityce

American Feminism – the Third Wave. The Change and Continuation

The history of American women fighting for equal rights dates back to the 18th century, when in Boston, in 1770, they voiced the demand that the status of women be changed. Abigail Adams, Sarah Grimke, Angelina Grimke and Frances Wright are considered to have pioneered American feminism. An organized suffrage movement is assumed to have originated at the convention Elizabeth Stanton organized in Seneca Falls in 1848. This convention passed a Declaration of Sentiments, which criticized the American Declaration of Independence as it excluded women. The most prominent success achieved in this period was the US Congress passing the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution granting women the right to vote. The 1960s saw the second wave of feminism, resulting from disappointment with the hitherto promotion of equality. The second-wave feminists claimed that the legal reforms did not provide women with the changes they expected. As feminists voiced the need to feminize the world, they struggled for social customs to change and gender stereotypes to be abandoned. They criticized the patriarchal model of American society, blaming this model for reducing the social role of women to that of a mother, wife and housewife. They pointed to patriarchal ideology, rather than nature, as the source of the inequality of sexes. The leading representatives of the second wave of feminism were Betty Friedan (who founded the National Organization for Women), Kate Millet (who wrote Sexual Politics), and Shulamith Firestone (the author of The Dialectic of Sex: The Case for Feminist Revolution). The 1990s came to be called the third wave of feminism, characterized by multiple cultures, ethnic identities, races and religions, thereby becoming a heterogenic movement. The third-wave feminists, Rebecca Walker and Bell Hooks, represented groups of women who had formerly been denied the right to join the movement, for example due to racial discrimination. They believed that there was not one ‘common interest of all women’ but called for leaving no group out in the fight for the equality of women’s rights. They asked that the process of women’s emancipation that began with the first wave embrace and approve of the diversity of the multiethnic American society.The history of American women fighting for equal rights dates back to the 18th century, when in Boston, in 1770, they voiced the demand that the status of women be changed. Abigail Adams, Sarah Grimke, Angelina Grimke and Frances Wright are considered to have pioneered American feminism. An organized suffrage movement is assumed to have originated at the convention Elizabeth Stanton organized in Seneca Falls in 1848. This convention passed a Declaration of Sentiments, which criticized the American Declaration of Independence as it excluded women. The most prominent success achieved in this period was the US Congress passing the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution granting women the right to vote. The 1960s saw the second wave of feminism, resulting from disappointment with the hitherto promotion of equality. The second-wave feminists claimed that the legal reforms did not provide women with the changes they expected. As feminists voiced the need to feminize the world, they struggled for social customs to change and gender stereotypes to be abandoned. They criticized the patriarchal model of American society, blaming this model for reducing the social role of women to that of a mother, wife and housewife. They pointed to patriarchal ideology, rather than nature, as the source of the inequality of sexes. The leading representatives of the second wave of feminism were Betty Friedan (who founded the National Organization for Women), Kate Millet (who wrote Sexual Politics), and Shulamith Firestone (the author of The Dialectic of Sex: The Case for Feminist Revolution). The 1990s came to be called the third wave of feminism, characterized by multiple cultures, ethnic identities, races and religions, thereby becoming a heterogenic movement. The third-wave feminists, Rebecca Walker and Bell Hooks, represented groups of women who had formerly been denied the right to join the movement, for example due to racial discrimination. They believed that there was not one ‘common interest of all women’ but called for leaving no group out in the fight for the equality of women’s rights. They asked that the process of women’s emancipation that began with the first wave embrace and approve of the diversity of the multiethnic American society

Challenges and Directions of President Yoon Suk Yeol’s New Administration

The purpose of the article is to describe the 2022 South Korean presidential election against the backdrop of a paradigm shift and to show the challenges and directions of Yoon Suk Yeol’s new administration. The author focuses on the research problems present in the new South Korean politics. Elements of change and continuity, which were also present in previous administrations are highlighted. In May 2022, Yoon Suk Yeol was sworn into the South Korea’s highest office. Yoon’s win in the presidential election ended a trend in which a decade of progressive rule was followed by a change to conservative rule. Since 1998, progressive and conservative presidents have alternated every two terms. The minimal difference in votes in favor of the conservative candidate reflected the divisions and social preferences of Koreans who favored a change from progressive to conservative government. The results of the 2022 presidential election revealed the polarization of South Korean society. Yoon will face a series of difficult challenges. In domestic politics, he must confront the housing crisis, widespread dissatisfaction with economic inequality, and generational tensions, among other issues. Yoon will also be challenged by the parliamentary majority currently held by the Democratic Party in the National Assembly. In foreign policy, South Korea’s new president advocates strengthening the alliance with the United States and cooperation with the Quad countries; he promises to improve relations with Japan, and to take steps toward South Korea playing a greater role in the world. In his inter-Korean policy, on the other hand, Yoon follows the traditional position of the conservatives, pledging to strengthen a policy of deterrence against acts of aggression and provocation by North Korea.Celem artykułu jest ukazanie wyborów prezydenckich w 2022 roku na tle zmiany paradygmatu oraz ukazanie wyzwań i kierunków nowej administracji Yoon Suk Yeola. Autorka koncentruje się na problemach badawczych występujących w nowej polityce południowokoreańskiej. Podkreśla elementy zmiany i kontynuacji, które występowały także w poprzednich administracjach. W maju 2022 roku Yoon Suk Yeol został zaprzysiężony na najwyższy urząd w państwie. Wygrana Yoona w południowokoreańskich wyborach prezydenckich zakończyła pewną tendencję, w której po dziesięciu latach rządów progresywnych następowała zmiana na rządy konserwatywne. Od 1998 roku prezydenci progresywni i konserwatywni zmieniali się co dwie kadencje. Minimalna różnica głosów na rzecz kandydata konserwatystów odzwierciedliła podziały i preferencje społeczne Koreańczyków, którzy opowiedzieli się za zmianą rządu progresywnego na konserwatywny. Wyniki wyborów prezydenckich 2022 ukazały polaryzację południowokoreańskiego społeczeństwa. Yoon będzie musiał stawić czoła serii trudnych wyzwań. W polityce wewnętrznej musi zmierzyć się m.in. z kryzysem mieszkaniowym, powszechnym niezadowoleniem z nierówności ekonomicznych, napięciami pokoleniowymi. Wyzwaniem dla Yoon będzie także większość parlamentarna, którą posiada obecnie Partia Demokratyczna w Zgromadzeniu Narodowym. W polityce zagranicznej nowy prezydent Korei Południowej opowiada się za wzmocnieniem sojuszu ze Stanami Zjednoczonymi oraz współpracą z państwami QUAD-u, zapowiada poprawę stosunków z Japonią a także podjęcie działań na rzecz odgrywania przez Koreę Południową większej roli na świecie. Z kolei w polityce międzykoreańskiej Yoon nawiązuje do tradycyjnego stanowiska konserwatystów, deklarując wzmocnienie polityki odstraszania wobec aktów agresji i prowokacji ze strony Korei Północnej

Chrześcijaństwo w Korei Północnej – polityczne wyzwanie dla komunistycznego państwa dżucze

This paper briefly examines the issue of Christianity in the Democratic Peoples’ Republic of Korea, also known as North Korea. The prevailing foundational ideology of the North Korean state is Juche, which means “self-reliance.” The North Korean regime has harshly repressed the Christian religion because it is perceived as having the potential to challenge many of the Juche ideology’s orthodox assumptions. Additionally, the North Korean authorities regard Christianity as anathema because it is thought to be a conduit for outside influences, particularly from the West. Christianity had a struggle gaining a foothold in Korea during the nineteenth century, but ultimately became part of the Korean religious environment. Protestant Christianity, in particular, played a central role in the early cultural nationalist opposition to Japanese occupation (1910–1945). Ironically, parts of present-day North Korea had very large Protestant Christian populations prior to the establishment of the Communist regime in 1948. Currently, the official total Christian population of the country is over 12,000 faithful, though some Christian organizations outside North Korea estimate the real number to be much higher, with many Christians rumored to be worshipping in secret. Beginning in the 1940s, the North Korean regime began its suppression of Christians and has continued to do so up to the present, though the North Korean Constitution technically allows for freedom of religion. The Juche ideology was permanently enshrined in the 1972 North Korean Constitution as the country’s unitary ideology related to all fields of endeavor. Juche is often described by North Koreans as a creative application of MarxistLeninist principles adapted to the unique characteristics of Korea, and its creation is attributed to the founder of the North Korean state, Kim Il Sung. Kim Jong Il, Kim Il Sung’s son who inherited the leadership of North Korea after his father’s death in 1994, is the ideology’s authoritative theorist. The Juche ideology has both a foreign policy and domestic relevance. It can be argued, however, that the domestic application, particularly the ideology’s role in nurturing loyalty to the state and to Kim Jong Il, has become the dominant axis of use by the regime. The repression of Christianity inside North Korea is only a part of the picture. The quasi-religious characteristics of Juche, which is often referred to as civic or political religion, makes the persecution of a small Christian minority all the more intriguing. North Korea’s protracted economic difficulties have caused thousands of North Koreans to illegally cross the border into China and live in Korean communities. Since the 1990s, South Korean Protestant missionaries operating in the part of Manchuria where Koreans are the dominant ethnic group have assisted hundreds of North Koreans to travel through China and escape to third countries, usually in Southeast Asia, before defecting to South Korea. In the last decade, there have continued to be unsubstantiated reports of a Christian religious revival in North Korea, with rumors of Christianity spreading through the North Korean Armed Forces. This story, with its religious and political elements and implications intertwined, is still being written

Rozważania nad stosunkami japońsko-koreańskimi w kontekście historycznym, regionalnym i teorii stosunków międzynarodowych

This paper focuses on relations between Japan and the two Koreas, the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. Relations between Japan and the two Koreas can be simultaneously examined in three related contexts: the history of the national entities which is still subject to divergent interpretations, the post-Cold War East Asian security environment, and international relations (IR) theory, particularly the contrasts between neorealism, neoliberalism and neoclassical realism. In addition to traditional relations, the Japanese occupation of Korea (1910–1945) still serves as a relevant area of sensitivity between all three nations. The post-Cold War East Asian security environment is a complex mixture of vestiges of the Cold War and new regional paradigms and shifts of power, particularly against the backdrop of competing big-power interests converging on the region. Both the relations between these three nations and as well as the regional concerns of other state-actors have often been focused in recent years by North Korea’s developing nuclear weapons and missile technologies. Japanese-Korean relations present a contentious subject for IR scholars to debate the respective merits of various theoretical approaches. It is the opinion of the author that on balance, at least for the time being, neoclassical realism is a better lens through which to view these relations.Podejmując problematykę stosunków japońsko-koreańskich starano się przedstawić je w trzech kontekstach: historycznym, bezpieczeństwa regionalnego w Azji Wschodniej po zimnej wojnie i teorii stosunków międzynarodowych. Od najdawniejszych czasów historia stosunków między Japonią a Koreą naznaczona była aktami agresji i przemocy ze strony Japonii. W wyniku najazdu dokonanego przez Toyotomi Hideyoshi (1592–1598) Korea na długie lata popadła w zapaść gospodarczą. Japońska okupacja Korei (1910–1945) zapisała się w świadomości narodu koreańskiego jako okres prześladowań i eksterminacji. Pamięć o próbach wykorzenienia tożsamości narodowej w okresie japońskich rządów kolonialnych jest ciągle obecna wśród Koreańczyków. W 1948 roku na mapie politycznej świata pojawiły się dwa państwa koreańskie, komunistyczna Północ i mające demokratyczne aspiracje Południe. Wybuch wojny koreańskiej (1950–1953) był symbolem globalnego konfliktu ideologicznego zimnej wojny. Podzielona Korea stała się głównym źródłem zagrożenia dla bezpieczeństwa regionalnego w Azji Wschodniej. Na skutek mediacji Stanów Zjednoczonych doszło do podpisania w 1965 roku traktatu normalizującego stosunki japońsko-koreańskie. Traktat ten umożliwił nawiązanie stosunków dyplomatycznych między Japonią a Republiką Korei. Pomimo, że nie zostały nawiązane oficjalne stosunki dyplomatyczne między Japonią a Koreańską Republiką Ludowo Demokratyczną, w Japonii w 1955 roku zezwolono na utworzenie Związku Rezydentów Koreańskich. Jednakże antyjapońskie uprzedzenia wynikające z negatywnych doświadczeń historycznych nadal stanowią źródło napięć i kontrowersji między trzema państwami. W stosunkach Japonii z państwami koreańskimi miejsce szczególne zajmuje problem denuklearyzacji Półwyspu Koreańskiego. Istnieje bowiem realne niebezpieczeństwo wynikające z posiadania broni atomowej przez reżim północnokoreański. Prowadzone z przerwami rozmowy sześciostronne nie przyniosły oczekiwanych efektów. Półwysep Koreański ciągle pozostaje miejscem regionalnego zagrożenia bezpieczeństwa. W niniejszym artykule stosunki japońsko-koreańskie są także rozpatrywane przez trzy podejścia teoretyczne: neorealizm, neoliberalizm i neoklasyczny realizm

The Sixth Republic under Roh Tae Woo: The Genesis of South Korean Democracy

The inauguration of Roh Tae Woo as president of the Sixth Republic of Korea in February 1988 can be considered as a turning point in South Korean political history. The five years of the Roh Tae Woo administration, 1988–1993, contained many of the first steps, albeit sometimes transitionally imperfect, toward democracy and an ultimate return to civilian rule of law, as well as greater political freedoms. According to Samuel P. Huntington, the Korean form of democratization was an example of transplacement, in which the government made concessions and opposition political groups accepted it to avoid mutual catastrophe. Furthermore, a case can be made for the mode of democratic transition in South Korea also being like Donald Share’s transition through transaction, Terry Lynn Karl and Philippe C. Schmitter’s transition by pact, and Adam Przeworki’s democracy with guarantees

New Era in South Korean politics : challenges of the presidency of Moon Jae In

This article briefly analyses the problems facing the presidency of Moon Jae In who was elected president of South Korea in December 2017. Moon ascended to the presidency after a scandal rocked South Korea, which resulted in the removal of President Park Geun Hye. The new president is an experienced politician and will require all his skill and acumen to overcome the challenges facing the nation. The first issue is the domestic economy. Moon has indicated two economic goals: reforming the chaebols, the family-run conglomerates that dominate Asia's fourth biggest economy, and create 1.31 million jobs. Additionally, the new administration has signaled a commitment to environmental issues and ending the authoritarian culture of the South Korean presidency. In the area of foreign policy, South Korea faces a number of challenges in its relations with China and Japan. A central concern to the Moon Jae In administration is North Korea's continued belligerent and provocative nuclear weapons rhetoric and posturing, which has been exacerbated by the responses from American president Donald Trump in recent months. It is clear that president Moon will need to be successful in political trust-building and constitutional reform as South Korea meets the challenges of a struggling economy, growing regional tensions, and the nuclear issue

To ventilate or not to ventilate during bystander CPR — A EuReCa TWO analysis

Background: Survival after out-of-hospital cardiac arrest (OHCA) is still low. For every minute without resuscitation the likelihood of survival decreases. One critical step is initiation of immediate, high quality cardiopulmonary resuscitation (CPR). The aim of this subgroup analysis of data collected for the European Registry of Cardiac Arrest Study number 2 (EuReCa TWO) was to investigate the association between OHCA survival and two types of bystander CPR namely: chest compression only CPR (CConly) and CPR with chest compressions and ventilations (FullCPR). Method: In this subgroup analysis of EuReCa TWO, all patients who received bystander CPR were included. Outcomes were return of spontaneous circulation and survival to 30-days or hospital discharge. A multilevel binary logistic regression analysis with survival as the dependent variable was performed. Results: A total of 5884 patients were included in the analysis, varying between countries from 21 to 1444. Survival was 320 (8%) in the CConly group and 174 (13%) in the FullCPR group. After adjustment for age, sex, location, rhythm, cause, time to scene, witnessed collapse and country, patients who received FullCPR had a significantly higher survival rate when compared to those who received CConly (adjusted odds ration 1.46, 95% confidence interval 1.17–1.83). Conclusion: In this analysis, FullCPR was associated with higher survival compared to CConly. Guidelines should continue to emphasise the importance of compressions and ventilations during resuscitation for patients who suffer OHCA and CPR courses should continue to teach both