99 research outputs found
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The Psy-Security-Curriculum ensemble: British Values curriculum policy in English schools
Framed as being in response to terrorist attacks and concerns about religious bias in some English schools, âBritish Valuesâ (BV) curriculum policy forms part of the British Governmentâs Counter-Terrorism and Security Act, 2015. This includes a Duty on teachers in England to actively promote British Values to deter students from radicalisation. This paper, first, traces the history of Britishness in the curriculum to reveal a prevalence of nationalistic, colonial values. Next, an ensemble of recent policies and speeches focusing on British Values is analysed, using a psycho-political approach informed by anti-colonial scholarship. Finally, we interrogate two key critiques of the British Values curriculum discourse: the universality of British Values globally, and concerns over the securitisation of education. Findings indicate that the constitution of white British supremacist subjectivities operate through curriculum as a defence mechanism against perceived threats to white privilege, by normalising a racialised state-controlled social order. The focus is on âBritishâ values, but the analytic framework and findings have wider global significance
The soft power of popular cinema: the case of India
Among BRICS nations, India has the most developed and globalised ïŹlm industry, and the Indian government as well as corporations are increasingly deploying the power of Bollywood in their international interactions. Indiaâs soft power, arising from its cultural and civilizational inïŹuence outside its territorial boundaries, has a long history. Focusing on contemporary Indiaâs thriving Hindi ïŹlm industry, this article suggests that the globalisation of the countryâs popular cinema, aided by a large diaspora, has created possibilities of promoting Indiaâs public diplomacy. It examines the global imprint of this cinema as an instrument of soft power
The role of collective narcissism in populist attitudes and the collapse of democracy in Hungary
What are the psychological processes responsible for the recent spread of populist political systems and movements? All political systems essentially reflect the mental representations of their populations, and collective narcissism has recently emerged as a contributing factor in the rise of populism. This article presents two studies examining the role of collective narcissism in predicting populist attitudes and voting intentions in Hungary. Hungary offers a particularly important case study of state-sponsored populism and illiberalism in Europe, as this country has gone furthest in undermining democratic principles and practices within the EU. To establish the pervasive role of collective narcissism we first review the historical evidence, survey research, and narrative analyses of Hungarian political representations. We then present two empirical studies where we predicted and found that collective narcissism was a significant predictor of negative attitudes toward the EU (Study 1), conservatism, and support for the ruling populist party (Studies 1 and 2). Collective narcissism predicted these variables independently from other factors, such as in-group positivity or perceived relative deprivation. However, once conservatism was controlled for the effects of collective narcissism faded out in some cases. The results nevertheless indicate that collective narcissism plays important role in promoting populist politics. The implications of these findings for understanding the psychological appeal of populism and illiberalism are discussed
The Anatomy of Memory Politics: A Formalist Analysis of Tate Britainâs âArtist and Empireâ and the Struggle over Britainâs Imperial Past
In this paper, I propose a new approach for understanding the meaning of memory politics, which draws upon the archetypal literary criticism of Northrop Frye. I suggest that the four archetypes elaborated by Fryeâcomedy, romance, tragedy, and satireâcan be used as a heuristic device for interpreting the contested historical narratives that are associated with the politics of memory. I illustrate this approach through a case-study of Artists and Empire: Facing Britainâs Imperial Past, an exhibition held at Tate Britain in 2016, amidst increasing contestation over the meaning of the British Empire. In sum, I find that the exhibit narrated Britainâs imperial past as a comedy, in which a key theme was the progressive cultural mixing of the British and the people they colonized. To conclude, I discuss the implications of such a narrative for constructing an inclusive, postcolonial British identity. As an alternative, I draw on Aristotle to suggest that a tragic narrative would have been more propitious
The 5-HTTLPR polymorphism of the serotonin transporter gene and short term behavioral response to methylphenidate in children with ADHD
<p>Abstract</p> <p>Background</p> <p>Animal models of ADHD suggest that the paradoxical calming effect of methylphenidate on motor activity could be mediated through its action on serotonin transmission. In this study, we have investigated the relationship between the 5-HTTLPR polymorphism in the serotonin transporter gene (<it>SLC6A4</it>) and the response of ADHD relevant behaviors with methylphenidate treatment.</p> <p>Methods</p> <p>Patients between ages 6-12 (n = 157) were assessed with regard to their behavioral response to methylphenidate (0.5 mg/kg/day) using a 2-week prospective within-subject, placebo-controlled (crossover) trial. The children were then genotyped with regard to the triallelic 5-HTTLPR polymorphism in the <it>SLC6A4 </it>gene. Main outcome measure: Conners' Global Index for parents (CGI-Parents) and teachers (CGI-Teachers) at baseline and at the end of each week of treatment with placebo and methylphenidate. For both outcome measurements, we used a mixed model analysis of variance to determine gene, treatment and gene Ă treatment interaction effects.</p> <p>Results</p> <p>Mixed model analysis of variance revealed a gene Ă treatment interaction for CGI-Parents but not for CGI-Teachers. Children homozygous for the lower expressing alleles (<it>s+l<sub>G </sub>= s'</it>) responded well to placebo and did not derive additional improvement with methylphenidate compared to children carrying a higher expressing allele (<it>l<sub>A</sub></it>). No genotype main effects on either CGI-Parents or CGI-teachers were observed.</p> <p>Conclusions</p> <p>A double blind placebo-controlled design was used to assess the behavioral effects of methylphenidate in relation to the triallelic 5-HTTLPR polymorphism of the <it>SLC6A4 </it>gene in children with ADHD. This polymorphism appears to modulate the behavioral response to methylphenidate in children with ADHD as assessed in the home environment by parents. Further investigation is needed to assess the clinical implications of this finding.</p> <p>Trial Registration</p> <p>ClinicalTrials.gov NCT00483106</p
Security Policies of India, Brazil and South Africa â Regional Security Contexts as Constraints for a Common Agenda
In the course of the last decade, the IBSA states (India, Brazil, South Africa) have increased their weight in the shifting global order, particularly in economic affairs. Can the same be said about the IBSA states' position in the international security hierarchy? After locating the IBSA coalition in the shifting world order, we analyze its member states' willingness and capacity to coordinate their security policies and build a common global security agenda. In addition, we explore the state of and perspectives on bi- and trilateral collaboration initiatives on defense and armaments between India, Brazil and South Africa. A key reason for the mostly modest results of global security agenda coordination and cross-regional defense collaboration is that the prevailing security concerns of each country are located at the regional level. Therefore, the starting point of an assessment of the prospects of IBSA's security cooperation and its potential impact on the strategic global landscape has to be a comparative evaluation of the regional security environments, focusing on overlaps and potential synergies between the national security policies of the three state actors.Im Verlauf der letzten Dekade konnten die IBSA-Staaten (Indien, Brasilien, SĂŒdafrika) ihre Position in der sich verschiebenden Weltordnung erheblich verbessern; das gilt insbesondere fĂŒr ihren Einfluss auf globale Handelsfragen. LĂ€sst sich ein Ă€hnlicher Aufstieg der IBSA-Staaten in der internationalen Sicherheitsordnung konstatieren? Die Autoren verorten die IBSA-Koalition in der sich verschiebenden Weltordnung und analysieren die Bereitschaft und FĂ€higkeit der drei Staaten, ihre Sicherheitsstrategien zu koordinieren und eine gemeinsame Sicherheitsagenda zu entwerfen. Ferner werden die Bedingungen und Perspektiven biund trilateraler Verteidigungs- und RĂŒstungszusammenarbeit untersucht. Im Ergebnis zeichnen sich bisher allenfalls anfĂ€ngliche BemĂŒhungen bei der Zusammenarbeit im Verteidigungssektor und bei der Entwicklung einer globalen Sicherheitsagenda ab. Ausschlaggebend dafĂŒr sind die primĂ€r auf der regionalen Ebene liegenden SicherheitsprioritĂ€ten der IBSA-Staaten. Die perspektivische Bewertung des potenziellen Einflusses der Staatenkoalition auf globale Sicherheitsfragen erfolgt demnach vor dem Hintergrund der regionalen Sicherheitsstrategien Indiens, Brasiliens und SĂŒdafrikas. Dabei stehen mögliche Ăberschneidungen und Synergien zwischen den regionalen Sicherheitsstrategien im Zentrum des Interesses
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Affective technologies of welfare deterrence in Australia and the United Kingdom
Across the political spectrum of different historical periods, welfare deterrence has shaped social security and immigration policy in both Australia and the United Kingdom. Deterrence discourages access to state welfare through the production and mobilization of negative affect to deter specific groups from claiming state support, and by crafting public affect (of fear and disgust) about these target populations in order to garner consent for punitive policies. In this paper, we argue that deterrence works as a human technology where the crafting of negative affect operates as a technology of statecraft. Through critical juxtaposition and multiple genealogies of deterrence, this paper meshes time and space, and colony/colonizer and metropole, to show the historical and contemporary connectivity of the affective nature of deterrence. We identify five main operations that produce the âfeelâ of deterrence: stigmatization by design, destitution by design, deterrent architecture, the control of movement, and the centrality of labour; as well as tracing the political economy of deterrence
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Racial and Imperial Thinking in International Theory and Politics: Truman, Attlee and the Korean War
- Connects the background ideas of race and empire to world politics
- Uses case of Truman and Attlee in the Korean War
- Argues that liberal-realist internationalistsâ assumptions about the US-led post-war order obscure those background ideas and fail to understand the character of the post-war order
- Argues liberal-realist internationalism is akin to a legitimating ideology rather than an explanatory theory
- Argues that such failings render liberal internationalism inadequate to explain or prescribe ways for the United States/West to manage the ârise of the restâ today
This article connects the background ideas of race and empire to world politics by looking at the world views and actions of Truman and Attlee in the Korean War. The article argues that liberal-realist internationalistsâ assumptions about the US-led post-war order obscure those background ideas and fail to understand the character of the post-war order. I consider two kinds of âbackground ideasââpolicy-makersâ and those embedded in liberal internationalism. Put together, these ideas render liberal-realist internationalism akin to a legitimating ideology rather than an explanatory theory. More broadly, and in the longer run, such failure to comprehend the character of the post-war order, and the roles of race, empire and periphery war in it, renders the theory inadequate to explain or prescribe ways for the United States/West to manage the ârise of the restâ today
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