Broadcasting and Speech

It is illegal to speak over the airwaves without a broadcast license. The FCC grants those licenses, and decides whether they will be renewed, on the basis of a vague public interest standard. The resulting system of broadcast regulation conflicts, starkly and gratuitously, with ordinary free speech philosophy. In this Article, the author argues that that inconsistency is crucially linked to inadequacies in free speech theory itself Conventional free speech theory ignores the extent to which imbalances of private power limit freedom of expression. It presupposes that public discourse takes place on a rational plane. The author explores the link between the philosophical failings of broadcast regulation and the empirical failings offree speech theory by identifying competing legal visions that underlie discussions of broadcasting and freedom of speech. The first of these visions, which forms the bases for ordinary free-speech philosophy, emphasizes hard-edged rules, individualism, a belief in overall private autonomy, and a sharp public-private distinction. The second, at the heart of our broadcast regulatory system, emphasizes situationally sensitive standards, altruism, the pervasive role of the government in structuring private ordering, and the pervasiveness of dependence and constraint. These competing visions, the author submits, are fundamentally irreconcilable; our speech regulatory law is driven by the contradiction between them

Oxidative protein folding pathways in Gram-positive Actinobacteria

Disulfide bonds are important for the stability of many secreted proteins. These covalent linkages, which result from the oxidation of neighboring cysteine (Cys) residues, are often rate-limiting steps for protein folding and maturation. Disulfide bond formation is restricted to extracellular oxidizing compartments like the eukaryotic endoplasmic reticulum and Gram-negative bacterial periplasm. Protein oxidation has been well-studied in these organisms, but largely ignored in Gram-positive bacteria. Due to the absence of an outer membrane, these organisms are thought to lack compartments in which to catalyze oxidative protein folding. This thesis reveals that Gram-positive Actinobacteria use disulfide bond formation to help fold secreted proteins in the exoplasm. Using the assembly of adhesive pili as a marker for disulfide bond formation in A. oris and C. diphtheriae, we found that protein oxidation is catalyzed by the membrane-bound MdbA. In A. oris, MdbA activity is maintained by VKOR, which is absent in C. diphtheriae. MdbA-catalyzed disulfide bond formation is required for the production of multiple virulence factors including diphtheria toxin. Therefore, mutations targeting mdbA have profound consequences for pathogenesis. A. oris mutants are defective in biofilm growth, while C. diphtheriae exhibits attenuated virulence in an animal model. A major difference between disulfide bond forming enzymes expressed by Gram-negative and Actinobacteria is also revealed. Unlike the Gram-negative DsbA, MdbA is important for viability. The depletion of A. oris mdbA, and deletion of C. diphtheriae mdbA are associated with growth and division defects. We provide evidence that these phenotypes result because secreted growth factors like PBPs fail to form disulfide bonds. Remarkably, the deletion of C. diphtheriae mdbA selects for a suppressor mutation that causes the overexpression of an oxidoreductase named TsdA. In summary, this thesis shows that disulfide bond formation is a major pathway used by Gram-positive Actinobacteria to help fold secreted proteins. This work provides a better understanding of how proteins are folded within the Gram-positive exoplasm, and offers important considerations for developing antibacterial drugs that target oxidative folding pathways

Florida's A++ Plan: An Expansion and Expression of Neoliberal and Neoconservative Tenets in State Educational Policy

Thesis advisor: Curt Dudley-MarlingThis critical policy analysis, informed by a qualitative content analysis, examines the ideological orientation of Florida’s A++ Plan (2006), and its incumbent impact upon social reproduction in the state. Utilizing a theoretical framework that fuses together critical theory (Horkheimer, 1937; Marcuse, 1964; Marshall, 1997), Bernstein’s (1971, 1977) three message systems of education and dual concepts of classification and frame, and Collins‘ (1979, 2000, 2002) notion of the Credential Society, the study examines the ideological underpinnings of the A++ Plan’s statutory requirements, and their effects on various school constituencies, including students, teachers, and the schools themselves. The study’s findings show that neoliberal and neoconservative ideological tenets buttress much of the A++ legislation, advancing four particular ideological imperatives: an allegiance to workforce readiness, a burgeoning system of standardization and accountability, the elevation of traditional values and nationalism, and the championing of individual responsibility. Through the control of Bernstein’s three message systems of education, these ideological imperatives deeply impact public education in Florida, and in particular have a disproportionately negative impact upon schools serving high-poverty, high-minority student populations. New initiatives such as the Major Areas of Interest mandate and the Ready-to- Work Program, both of which are heavily influenced by corporate interests, elevate an ethic of economy that commodifies students. At the same time, the legislation ushers in unprecedented levels of curricular and pedagogical standardization that makes comparisons between students and teachers a reality, while commensurately creating a more competitive climate between schools as a means of promoting school choice throughout the state. Further, the legislation advances a vision of society that is strikingly conservative in tenor through the deliberate manipulation of the state’s History and Health curricula, while simultaneously creating programs such as the Character Development Program that espouse a narrowly construed vision of character. Finally, each of the legislative moves described above are undergirded by an increasing reliance not upon the state, but upon the individual who comes to see her or his choices as the sole arbiters of her or his success or failure, absent any possible mitigating, external factor(s). The study concludes with recommendations for further research addressing the manifest effects of neoliberal and neoconservative axioms in education, and a call to action targeted at progressive educators to confront these types of “reforms.” It further recommends that policymakers acknowledge that handing the governance of schools and the curriculum therein over to neoliberal and neoconservative ideologues will result in schools that both overtly value instrumental, corporatist outcomes, and purposefully advance a myopic vision of our nation’s collective memory and system of governing values. The marriage of neoliberalism and neoconservatism is positioned as antithetical to progressive education, and stands to turn back the clock on issues of equity, social justice, and social mobility.Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2015.Submitted to: Boston College. Lynch School of Education.Discipline: Teacher Education, Special Education, Curriculum and Instruction