Explaining Myanmar's Regime Transition: The Periphery is Central

In 2010, Myanmar (Burma) held its first elections after 22 years of direct military rule. Few compelling explanations for this regime transition have emerged. This article critiques popular accounts and potential explanations generated by theories of authoritarian ‘regime breakdown’ and ‘regime maintenance’. It returns instead to the classical literature on military intervention and withdrawal. Military regimes, when not terminated by internal factionalism or external unrest, typically liberalise once they feel they have sufficiently addressed the crises that prompted their seizure of power. This was the case in Myanmar. The military intervened for fear that political unrest and ethnic-minority separatist insurgencies would destroy Myanmar’s always-fragile territorial integrity and sovereignty. Far from suddenly liberalising in 2010, the regime sought to create a ‘disciplined democracy’ to safeguard its preferred social and political order twice before, but was thwarted by societal opposition. Its success in 2010 stemmed from a strategy of coercive state-building and economic incorporation via ‘ceasefire capitalism’, which weakened and co-opted much of the opposition. Having altered the balance of forces in its favour, the regime felt sufficiently confident to impose its preferred settlement. However, the transition neither reflected total ‘victory’ for the military nor secured a genuine or lasting peace

Cinema, autoritarismo e política de meios na Argentina: o Festival de Mar del Plata de 1968

Objetivo/contexto: El artículo analiza el proceso de organización del IX Festival Internacional de Cine de Mar del Plata de 1968 y su desarrollo. Se reconstruyen los objetivos que la dictadura del general Juan Carlos Onganía persiguió con la realización de este Festival, hasta entonces organizado por entidades privadas, y también se elaboran las tensiones generadas dentro de la alianza del Gobierno y con grupos del campo cinematográfico. Originalidad: Hasta el momento, la historiografía ha hecho énfasis en la fuerte represión cultural de la dictadura de Onganía. Sin negar esta perspectiva, el análisis de esta experiencia de apertura selectiva aporta nuevas ideas para pensar las políticas culturales y de medios de las dictaduras como estrategia de construcción de consenso interno y legitimación del gobierno en el ámbito de las relaciones internacionales, así como su reverso, el campo cultural como territorio de disputas políticas en el marco de gobiernos autoritarios. Metodología: La investigación fue realizada principalmente a partir del análisis de múltiples publicaciones impresas de la época. Conclusiones: El trabajo propone entender esta experiencia cultural como un proceso de apertura selectivo y restringido, orientado a mejorar la imagen en el exterior del Gobierno a través de la cinematografía. Sin embargo, se trató de una experiencia fallida, porque desde el momento en que se desplegó ese objetivo el Festival se politizó y se presentó como un terreno de disputas entre distintas facciones dentro del Gobierno y del Gobierno con el mundo del cine.Objective/context: The article analyzes the organizational process and execution of the IX Mar del Plata International Film Festival of 1968. It outlines the objectives that General Juan Carlos Onganía’s dictatorship pursued with this festival, which had, until 1968, been organized by private entities. The tensions that arose between the government alliance and cinematographic groups is also discussed. Originality: Until now, historiography has emphasized the strong cultural repression of the Onganía dictatorship. Without denying this perspective, the analysis of this selective opening experience at the film festival brings to the fore new perspectives on how dictatorships used cultural and media policies as an internal consensus building strategy and as a tactic to legitimize the government internationally. Conversely, the cultural arena is seen as a territory for political disputes within the framework of authoritarian governments. Methodology: The research was conducted mainly from the analysis of multiple printed publications of the time. Conclusions: This paper proposes understanding this cultural experience as a process aimed at improving the image of the government abroad through cinematography. However, this attempt by the dictatorship failed because, from the moment that the strategy was launched, the festival became politicized and it was transformed into a terrain of disputes between different factions within the government as well as between the government and the world of cinema.Objetivo/contexto: O artigo analisa o processo de organização do IX Festival Internacional de Cinema de Mar del Plata de 1968 e seu desenvolvimento. São reconstruídos os objetivos que a ditadura do general Juan Carlos Onganía buscou com a realização desse Festival, até então organizado por entidades privadas, assim como são elaboradas as tensões geradas dentro da aliança do Governo e com grupos do campo cinematográfico. Originalidade: Até o momento, a historiografia deu ênfase na forte repressão cultural da ditadura de Onganía. Sem negar essa perspectiva, a análise dessa experiência de abertura seletiva traz novas ideias para pensar as políticas culturais e de meios das ditaduras como estratégia de construção de consenso interno e legitimação do governo no âmbito das relações internacionais, bem como o oposto, o campo cultural como território de disputas políticas no âmbito de governos autoritários. Metodologia: A pesquisa foi realizada principalmente a partir do estudo de diversas publicações impressas da época. Conclusões: O trabalho propõe entender essa experiência cultural como um processo de abertura seletivo e restrito, orientado a melhorar a imagem exterior do Governo através da cinematografia. No entanto, tratou-se de uma experiência malsucedida porque, desde o momento em que surgiu esse objetivo, o Festival se politizou, oferecendo-se como um terreno de disputas entre diferentes facções dentro do Governo e do Governo com o mundo do cinema.Fil: Ramírez Llorens, Fernando Matías. Universidad de Buenos Aires; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentin

La democracia hoy: el jardín de los senderos que se bifurcan

Conferencia dictada por el Dr. Alain Rouquié en el acto en el que se le otorgó el Doctorado Honoris Causa de la Universidad Nacional de Rosario, en el marco del VII Congreso Nacional sobre Democracia “Los desafíos del siglo XXI en América Latina. Democracia, desarrollo e integración”. Organizado por el Centro de Estudiantes y la Facultad de Ciencia Política y Relaciones Internacionales de la UNR, Rosario, 31 de Octubre de 2006

Le camarade et le commandant : réformisme militaire et légitimité institutionnelle

THE COMRADE AND THE COMMANDING OFFICER : MILITARY REFORMISM AND INSTITUTIONAL LEGITIMACY, by ALAIN ROUQUIÉ Can armies be revolutionary political forces ? What does the adoption by the military of a Marxist discourse mean ? Since most of the armed forces' interventions in political life are conservatively directed, it may be asked what are the significance and general outlines of « military reformism ». The existing State forms of organisation and the internal machinery and procedures of « military revolutions » are used to determine the common features and recurrent methods of progressive militancy. In fact, all these analyses come back to the institutional constraints and normative system encountered in the armed forces. Despite their diversity, the internal legitimacy of military institutions and societies would appear to determine the limits of radical praetorianism. [Revue française de science politique XXIX (3), juin 1979, pp. 381-401.]LE CAMARADE ET LE COMMANDANT : RÉFORMISME MILITAIRE ET LÉGITIMITÉ INSTITUTIONNELLE, par ALAIN ROUQUIÉ Les armées peuvent-elles être des forces politiques révolutionnaires ? Que signifie l'adoption, par des militaires au pouvoir, d'un discours marxiste ? La majorité des interventions des armées dans la vie politique s'effectuant dans un sens conservateur on peut s'interroger sur la portée et les contours du « réformisme militaire ». A travers les formes d'organisations étatiques mises en place, les mécanismes et les procédures internes des « révolutions militaires », on a tenté de percevoir les traits communs et les modalités récurrentes du militantisme progressiste. En fait, toutes ces analyses renvoient aux contraintes institutionnelles et au système normatif des armées. La légitimité interne aux institutions et aux sociétés militaires, en dépit de leur diversité, semble fixer les limites du prétorianisme radical. [Revue française de science politique XXIX (3), juin 1979, pp. 381-401.]Rouquié Alain. Le camarade et le commandant : réformisme militaire et légitimité institutionnelle. In: Revue française de science politique, 29ᵉ année, n°3, 1979. pp. 381-401

La genèse du nationalisme culturel dans l'œuvre de Manuel Gálvez (1904-1913)

Rouquié Alain. La genèse du nationalisme culturel dans l'œuvre de Manuel Gálvez (1904-1913). In: Cahiers du monde hispanique et luso-brésilien, n°19, 1972. pp. 7-34

Le rôle politique des forces armées en Amérique latine : États des travaux

Rouquié Alain. Le rôle politique des forces armées en Amérique latine : États des travaux. In: Revue française de science politique, 19ᵉ année, n°4, 1969. pp. 862-885

Imaz (José Luis de) - Los que mandan

Rouquié Alain. Imaz (José Luis de) - Los que mandan. In: Revue française de science politique, 18ᵉ année, n°4, 1968. pp. 781-784