French and Spanish wh-interrogatives with and without wh

This article describes the usage of partial interrogatives without wh such as And you went…? in French and Spanish, and analyses the variation between such in-situ-Ø and in-situ-wh-interrogatives such as And you went where? On the basis of an analysis of in-situ-Ø-interrogatives in a corpus of spoken French and Spanish, these interrogatives are described as a particularly efficient means of realizing an information request. Due to the fact that their use is bound to contexts in which the information request is highly expected by the hearer, they can be produced using a minimal syntactic format and simultaneously ensure that the addressee produces the desired response. In comparison, the use of in-situ-wh is less context-sensitive. The analysis also investigates the possibility of differences between French and Spanish as regards the productivity of these interrogatives. An acceptability study of these interrogatives finds no significant difference in terms of the productivity and acceptability of in-situ-Ø in French and Spanish, whereas in-situ-wh reaches a higher acceptability in French than in Spanish. I interpret these results as evidence for a description of in-situ-Ø as an ad-hoc interactional resource whose use does not depend on conventionalization processes, whereas information-requesting in-situ-wh has become conventional in French

How to measure replacement: Auxiliary selection in Old Spanish bibles

© 2012 by Walter de Gruyter Berlin Boston. Studies of the development of compound tense auxiliary selection in Spanish frequently analyse ser ('to be') + past participle (PtP) as an anterior construction, and its disappearance as a slow replacement process starting in Old Spanish, in which the new anterior auxiliary aver ('to have') replaced it. This article investigates and rejects the empirical basis for this claim on the basis of a comparative analysis of Old Spanish bible translations. It is argued that the majority of tokens of ser + PtP has a resultative function, as indicated by typical patterns of verbal mood, coordination and temporal-aspectual morphology. Old Spanish translators of the bible appear to have regarded aver + PtP as being more similar to simple imperfective preterit forms like cantaba ('s/he sang') than to ser + PtP. Comparing the types and rates of use of aver + PtP and ser + PtP in earlier and later bible versions with the help of generalised linear mixed-effects regression models shows that ser + PtP was more stable in Old Spanish than hitherto assumed. Rather than replacing ser + PtP in Old Spanish, aver + PtP expanded at the expense of simple preterit forms. In summary, this article provides empirical evidence against the replacement hypothesis for Old Spanish, while at the same time assessing ways to quantitatively identify replacement processes in diachronic linguistics.status: publishe

Masse und Klasse. Zur Datierung von grammatischen Sprachwandelprozessen

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How usage rescues the system: persistence as conservation

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Tornar and volver: The interplay of frequency and semantics in compound tense auxiliary selection in Medieval and Classical Spanish

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Steven N. Dworkin – A History of the Spanish Lexicon

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Entrenchment and discourse traditions in Spanish auxiliary selection

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Gradientes semánticos y sintácticos en la historia de la selección de auxiliares en español

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Refunctionalization and Usage Frequency: An Exploratory Questionnaire Study

This paper explores the relationship between refunctionalization and usage frequency. In particular, it argues that (a) refunctionalization is more likely for low-frequency construction than high-frequency constructions, and that (b) high-frequency patterns are more likely candidates as models for refunctionalization processes than low-frequency patterns. It proposes that folk etymology processes be characterized as a type of refunctionalization process because in folk etymology, obsolescent and semantically void morphemes are replaced with morphemes that actually serve a function in language. This assumption allows for an empirical investigation of refunctionalization using an exploratory questionnaire study. The results indicate that usage frequency indeed plays a role in folk etymology processes, and consequently, refunctionalization. In particular, participants were more likely to accept false etymologies when the proposed etymon had a high usage frequency than when it had a low usage frequency. In summary, the present study proposes a way to study refunctionalization processes in synchrony