Malta’s 2008 election : a vote for continuity and change

The 2008 Malta election confirmed the Nationalist Party in power for a third consecutive term, but with a much reduced majority. It also instigated a change of leadership in the opposition Malta Labour Party and the subsequent election of a new leader from amongst the ranks of its MEPs. Unlike national elections in most other EU member states, EU membership featured very strongly in this election but in a peculiarly different way than it did in previous ones. Voter participation at 92.5% was below the 2003 rate of 95.96% and 1.32% less than the 1966-2008 average.peer-reviewe

The Mediterranean enlargement of the European Union and its effect on the Euro-Mediterranean partnership

From its very beginning the European Union has had a strong interest in the maintenance of peace, stability and good neighbourly relations in the Mediterranean region. And for good reason too: many of the member states of the EU have a long Mediterranean coast line (France, Greece, Italy and Spain) as well as long-standing historic ties with the countries of the Mediterranean region. The region is an important outlet for EU exports particularly not least for the northern member states.peer-reviewe

Malta's EU membership : chapter 1 concluded, chapter 2 just started

In May 2004 Malta joins the European Union. In the attainment of this goal Malta has experienced the most dramatic passage to membership. In July 1990 it applied for membership; in 1996 it suspended the application, only to revive it in 1998. It caught up with the other candidate countries to be the first to hold a referendum on membership, obtaining a positive result despite the extreme polarization of Maltese society over the issue. Indeed it was the first among the candidate countries to ratify the Accession Treaty. With one of the highest participation rates in politics in the world, characterized by competition between two political parties of more or less equal strength (the governing Nationalist Party – NP – and the opposition Malta Labour Party – MLP), an important issue such as EU membership was bound to become highly charged. On average 96 per cent of eligible voters participate in Maltese general elections, which are normally held every five years. All political issues tend to be intensely debated in the Maltese ‘polis’ and the electorate is a highly mobilized one by most standards. Undeniably, since 1987 the EU membership issue has dominated the Maltese political debate as few other issues have done before. Commentators have compared the intensity of this debate to three other highly contentious issues which preceded it in Malta’s post-war history: the debate on the proposal to integrate Malta with the United Kingdom (1955–58), the independence issue (1962–64) and the crisis over majority rule (1981–87).peer-reviewe

Migration in the Central Mediterranean. Jean Monnet Occasional Papers 02/2013

In the last decade irregular immigration has emerged as a “security” challenge (in the language of International Relations military “threat”) in the Mediterranean region particularly in the central, sub-region1. The designation of this issue as a “security challenge” or “threat” is itself controversial and will be discussed further down. This paper focuses on the situation in the central Mediterranean involving mainly four countries namely Italy, Libya, Malta and Tunisia all of which have long standing historic links and bilateral relations and participate in the so called “5+5” Dialogue in the Western Mediterranean. Two of these Central Mediterranean countries (Italy, Malta) are EU member states and Tunisia has a long standing relationship with the EU [Association Agreement, Barcelona Process (EMP), Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), Union for the Mediterranean (UfM)] while Libya so far has no formal relations at all with the EU. This paper analyses some of the aspects of migration in the central Mediterranean focusing on the link between the domestic and international politics of the issue in Italy and Malta and contrasting the different approaches taken. For example, although Italy and Malta both resort to self-help and both try to involve the EU in helping them tackle the problem, they do this in a markedly different way: Italy uses the EU as a supplement to its independent and bilateral efforts while Malta looks to the EU as the major solution to the problem. Lacking the power and influence to deal with the issue, Malta tends to see the problem as primarily a multilateral issue or one that can only be tackled in concert with stronger powers in the region preferably within an EU context. On the other hand, Italy has been keen in involving the EU but decided to go it alone when this option turned out to be a dead end. In this paper I also try to show the extent (or limitations) to which multilateral initiatives such as the “5+5” and Euro operation really play a decisive role in incentivizing or facilitating inter-state cooperation or joint solutions. This paper also refers to the EU acquis, the notion of solidarity (norms) and the extent to which it is implemented as well as a number of connected issues. The subjects of this paper, the Mediterranean Boat People, have been referred to by various names in the literature, all of which may be more or less deficient in actually defining them all. They have been referred to as “illegal” or “irregular” immigrants, “refugees” in search of international protection, “migrants at sea” and “boat people”. The use of “boat people” dispenses with the need of having to define the various categories of migrants involved and is thus preferred in this paper

The Mediterranean union from the perspective of the Mediterranean island states

The two EU, Mediterranean island-states of Cyprus and Malta have a strong interest in Mediterranean initiatives that enhance regional stability and security. In line with the majority of the other Mediterranean states, they both supported the launching of the Union for the Mediterranean. However, both small states have a different conception of what the UfM should achieve, with Cyprus laying special emphasis on resolution of regional conflicts while Malta taking a more functionalist approach emphasising the protection of fish resources and depollution. Both states seem to overlook the many problems which beset the initiative such as the lack of finances for its projects and the interface between the UfM and the EU institutions. Another issue is whether the two island states can influence the internal processes or whether internal rivalries between the larger EU states could see them side-lined? Can these small states play the role of 'honest brokers' normally associated with small and weak states?peer-reviewe

The domestic and internationale politics of the next Mediterranean enlargement of the European Union

Until October 1996 it seemed undeniable that the two Mediterranean island States of Cyprus and Malta were ahead of the field of twelve aspirants in the EU membership race. Turkey was exerting all its diplomatic efforts to keep up with them, though the widely held view was that her membership chances were negligible. Enlargement of the EU to include Cyprus and Malta posed no economic problems for the Union (however, neither did it promise many advantages). Both applicants, being micro-states, would be easy to absorb, especially since both had buoyant economies.peer-reviewe

Il-moralizzazzjoni tas-sistema politika taghna

Il-kliem "moralizzazzjoni tas-sistema politika" ta' pajjizna jista' ma jdoqqx nota ħelwa f'widnejn min il-kelma morali, tilfet kull sinifikat jew saret kelma antikwata z-zejjed għall-mentalita "avant guardista" tiegħu. Meta niddiskuti l-"moralizzazzjoni tas-sistema politika" mhux qed nagħmel xi priedka reliġjuza u lanqas ma nappella għall-valuri morali Nsara, imma għal prinċipji "universali'' jiġifieri dawk il-prinċipji li ,hu x'inhu t-twemmin poltiku jew reliġjuz tiegħek tasal biex taċċettahom bl-uzu elementari tar-raġuni. Naċċettaw jew ma naċċettawx Il-kelma speċifika "moralizzazzjoni", illum hawn ħafna nies f'pajjizna li jaccennaw għal din il-ħaġa aniki jekk ma jesprimuhiex f'daqshekk kliem.peer-reviewe

Growing secularisation in a Catholic society : the divorce referendum of 28 May 2011 in Malta

The divorce referendum held in Malta on 28 May 2011 was another watershed in Maltese politics, particularly because it confirmed the secularising trends in Maltese society and exposed the complicated cleavages within the Maltese electorate. The result was a major political embarrassment for the ultra-conservative Prime Minister and leader of the Nationalist Party, particularly after he doggedly voted against the divorce bill in parliament notwithstanding the referendum result. The Catholic Church was also embarrassed after leading an aggressive ‘no’ campaign that did not resonate with the demands of society or the expectations of progressive Catholics. While the issue has severely affected the ruling Nationalist Party’s chances of winning the next general election, due in the first quarter of 2013, it may have forced the Church finally to contemplate serious reforms.peer-reviewe

Enlargement and the Mediterranean dimension of the European Union : the role of Cyprus

When Cyprus joins the European Union it will be joining a Community of around twenty-one states, that would still be in a process of negotiations for another wave of enlargement, leading eventually to a Union of 27 or more member states. The main characteristics of this Union-to-be will be its heterogeneity in terms of the levels of economic development, languages, religions, political and legal systems, defence and foreign policy orientation. It will be a Union composed mainly of small states with a population of around 10 million or less.1 In a European Union of 21 member states, Cyprus will only be above Luxembourg in population terms, but equal to it in all respects when it comes to participation in the Union's institutions.peer-reviewe

Malta and EU Membership : overcoming ‘vulnerabilities’, strengthening ‘resilience’

Malta, a very small state, a micro–state, has never resigned itself to smallness. The nature of such states’ vulnerability is seen as both inherent and contingent. Micro states can by following prudent domestic policies and by strategically positioning themselves in the regional and global system, strengthen their resilience to both these types of vulnerability. This article outlines how the EU may ‘enlarge’ such states in both economic and security–political terms. It offers such states increased opportunities for dealing with the social, economic, environmental and security challenges which they face thus helping them to reduce their vulnerabilities while increasing their resilience to exogenous and endogenous shocks.peer-reviewe