Internet Daters’ Body Types Preferences: Race-Ethnic and Gender Differences

Employing a United States sample of 5,810 Yahoo heterosexual internet dating profiles, this study finds race–ethnicity and gender influence body type preferences for dates, with men and whites significantly more likely than women and non-whites to have such preferences. White males are more likely than non-white men to prefer to date thin and toned women, while African-American and Latino men are significantly more likely than white men to prefer female dates with thick or large bodies. Compatible with previous research showing non-whites have greater body satisfaction and are less influenced by mainstream media than whites, our findings suggest Latinos and African Americans negotiate dominant white idealizations of thin female bodies with their own cultures’ greater acceptance of larger body types

Internet Daters’ Body Type Preferences: Race–Ethnic and Gender Differences

Employing a United States sample of 5,810 Yahoo heterosexual internet dating profiles, this study finds race–ethnicity and gender influence body type preferences for dates, with men and whites significantly more likely than women and non-whites to have such preferences. White males are more likely than non-white men to prefer to date thin and toned women, while African-American and Latino men are significantly more likely than white men to prefer female dates with thick or large bodies. Compatible with previous research showing non-whites have greater body satisfaction and are less influenced by mainstream media than whites, our findings suggest Latinos and African Americans negotiate dominant white idealizations of thin female bodies with their own cultures’ greater acceptance of larger body types

Gendered Resource Returns: African American Institutions and Political Engagement

While numerous studies discuss the importance of black churches and race-based organizations to African American political participation, few of them systematically analyze the gendered nature of such engagement. Employing data from the 1994 National Black Politics Survey, this study compares the influence of church-based activities and race-based organizational participation on African American men’s and women’s electoral and non-electoral political participation, and finds that 1) African American women participate less than African-American men; 2) in spite of black institutional participation the gender gap remains; 3) a liberal political orientation or households with union members mediates the gendered black institution effect; and, 4) Black institutional involvement enhances male more than female political participation. These findings have important implications for our theoretical understanding of institutional resource returns

African-American women in southern-based civil rights movement organizations, 1954-1965: Gender, grass roots leadership and resource mobilization theory.

Recent resource mobilization theorists have emphasized the importance of pre-existing institutional networks for the development of collective action. They credit the emergence of mobilized activities to rational planning by well-trained leaders, who are supported by established community-based institutions. This study provides a different analysis by examining grass roots or behind the scenes leadership, which in the case of southern-based civil rights movement organizations, was the only acceptable leadership domain for women. Through an analysis of thirteen personal interviews, archival data, including eighteen additional interviews, and scholarly accounts of the civil rights movement, the exact nature of African-American women's leadership participation in the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, the Montgomery Improvement Association, the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee and the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party, is determined. This research outlines the extent to which grass roots leadership and titled leaders of movement organizations worked in a symbiotic, but often conflictual, relationship to mobilize collective action. While mobilization through organizations is performed through rational planning, financial resources, charismatic leaders, and established community-based institutional networks, grass roots leaders provide the interpersonal networks and day-to-day, one-on-one interactions necessary for the mobilization and sustenance of mass support. Neither rational planning nor institutional networks can persuade the masses to risk their lives through participation in protest activities. Within this context, grass roots leadership is no less important to collective action than the resources of movement organizations. This paper argues that the basic tenets of resource mobilization theory, which have emphasized organizational and institutional resources, have neglected to analyze an important, and relatively autonomous, grass roots level of leadership.Ph.D.Ethnic studiesSocial SciencesSociologyWomen's studiesUniversity of Michigan, Horace H. Rackham School of Graduate Studieshttp://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/128832/2/9208635.pd

Does Collective Identity Matter? : African-American Conventional and Unconventional Political Participation

This study is the first to compare the role of feelings of collective identity, or a shared sense of common fate, on the likelihood of participating in conventional (electoral) low-commitment political activity that takes little time (voting), conventional high-commitment involvement that requires more time and effort (participation in a voter registration drive), unconventional (non-electoral) low-commitment political activity (signing a petition), and unconventional high-commitment activity (participation in a protest march or demonstration). The paper concludes that collective identity is a powerful predictor of the likelihood of participation in unconventional but not conventional political activity irrespective of the level of commitment

Does Collective Identity Matter? : African-American Conventional and Unconventional Political Participation

This study is the first to compare the role of feelings of collective identity, or a shared sense of common fate, on the likelihood of participating in conventional (electoral) low-commitment political activity that takes little time (voting), conventional high-commitment involvement that requires more time and effort (participation in a voter registration drive), unconventional (non-electoral) low-commitment political activity (signing a petition), and unconventional high-commitment activity (participation in a protest march or demonstration). The paper concludes that collective identity is a powerful predictor of the likelihood of participation in unconventional but not conventional political activity irrespective of the level of commitment

Waves of Contention: Relations Among Radical, Moderate, and Conservative Movement Organizations

We develop theoretical and conceptual insights into a social movement’s strategic articulation, through an examination of the relationships among the conservative, moderate and radical organizations within a movement field before, during and after a wave of contention. Definitions for conservative, moderate and radical organizations that have been lacking in the literature are provided. Three U.S. cases are employed including the Civil Rights Movement, the Animal Rights Movement, and the AIDS Movement to illustrate/apply our concepts and test our theoretical assertions. We find a distinct conservative flank in movements which facilitates linkages to state officials. Moderates have a unique role as the bridge between the radical and conservative flanks. A lack of formal organization among radicals appears to incite state repression. The radical flank, or strong ties between the radial flank and moderates or conservatives, does not have a positive effect prior to or at the peak of a wave of contention when there is significant state repression. In the absence of state repression and after concessions or the peak of activism, moderates and conservatives benefit by distancing from the radical flank. Moderate organizations marginally institutionalize except when conservative movement organizations are absent; then full incorporation occurs

Social Movements : Identity, Culture, and the State

Why do social movements take the forms they do? How do activists\u27 efforts and beliefs interact with the cultural and political contexts in which they work? Why do activists take particular strategic paths, and how do their strategies affect the course and impact of the movement? Social Movements aims to bridge the gap between political opportunities theorists who look at the circumstances and effects of social movement efforts and collective identity theorists who focus on the reconstruction of meaning and identity through collective action. The volume brings together scholars from a variety of perspectives to consider the intersections of opportunities and identities, structures and cultures, in social movements. Representing a new generation of social movement theory, the contributors build bridges between political opportunities and collective identity paradigms, between analyses of movements\u27 internal dynamics and their external contexts, between approaches that emphasize structure and those that emphasize culture. They cover a wide range of case studies from both the U.S. and Western Europe as well as from less developed countries. Movements include feminist organizing in the U.S. and India, lesbian/gay movements, revolutionary movements in Burma, the Philippines, and Indonesia, labor campaigns in England and South Africa, civil rights movements, community organizing, political party organizing in Canada, student movements of the left and right, and the Religious Right. Many chapters also pay explicit attention to the dynamics of gender, race, and class in social movements. Combining a variety of perspectives on a wide range of topics, the contributors\u27 synthetic approach shifts the field of social movements forward in important new directions. Source: Publisherhttps://scholarworks.smith.edu/soc_books/1009/thumbnail.jp

Social movements : identity, culture, and the state

xvi, 307 p.: 23 cm