22 research outputs found

    Legitimacy intermediation in the multilevel European polity and its collapse in the euro crisis

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    This essay re-examines the dual – republican and liberal – foundations of democratic legitimacy in the Western traditions of normative political theory. Considered in isolation, the European Union conforms to liberal standards but cannot satisfy republican criteria. Given these conflicting standards, debates on the alleged European democratic deficit have remained inconclusive. Moreover, they have failed to pay sufficient attention to the multilevel character of the European polity and to the normative potential of legitimacy intermediation in its two-step compliance and legitimating relationships. I argue, however, that the capacity of democratic member states to legitimate the exercise of European governing functions is being destroyed in the present euro crisis, and I briefly discuss the implications of this new constellation.In der westlichen Tradition der normativen politischen Theorie beruht demokratische Legitimität auf der doppelten Grundlage republikanischer und liberaler Prinzipien. Für sich betrachtet entspricht die Europäische Union zwar liberalen Kriterien, aber eben nicht den republikanischen Anforderungen. Angesichts so unterschiedlicher Kriterien konnte es auch im Streit über das angebliche europäische Demokratiedefizit keine Einigung geben. Überdies ignorierte diese Diskussion den Mehrebenen-Charakter der europäischen Politik und das normative Potenzial der Legitimationsvermittlung zwischen Union und Bürgern durch die demokratisch verfassten Mitgliedstaaten. Die gegenwärtige Eurokrise allerdings zerstört die Fähigkeit demokratischer Mitgliedstaaten, die Ausübung europäischer Herrschaftsfunktionen zu legitimieren. Der Aufsatz erörtert die Implikationen dieser neuen Konstellation.1 Introduction 2 Legitimacy discourses The republican discourse The liberal discourse Differences 3 Constitutional democracies – and the European Union? 4 Legitimacy intermediation in the multilevel European polity 5 The end of legitimacy intermediation in the euro crisis Monetary Union and the failure of output legitimacy Rescuing the euro through supranational intervention 6 Legitimate supranational government? Input-oriented European legitimacy? 7 Reducing the burden on European legitimacy Reference

    Containers in Common Use for Selected Fresh Fruits and Vegetables Exported to Western Europe

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    The proliferation of containers for fresh fruits and vegetables exported to Europe has resulted in an enormous number of container sizes with many variations in construction and accessory packaging materials. A survey made in major western European terminal markets showed that 301 different containers were used for the packaging of 30 selected fresh fruits and vegetables. Containers found in the survey were made of wood (43.5 percent), corrugated fiberboard (51.8 percent), solid fiberboard (1.3 percent), expanded plastic (0.7 percent), nonexpanded plastic (1.3 percent), jute (1.0 percent), and composites (0.3 percent). Of the wooden containers, 55.7 percent were constructed as trays, 38.2 percent as boxes, and 6.1 percent as crates. Boxes accounted for 91.3 percent of containers constructed from fiberboard and the remaining 8.7 percent were trays. One box and one tray were made of expanded plastic. The nonexpanded plastic and the jute containers were bags. The one composite container was a tray. Accessory packaging materials were used in 71.8 percent of the containers surveyed. The product was place packed in 80.4 percent of the containers, and the remaining 19.6 percent were jumble packed. Their net weight varied considerably within and among the commodities. External length and width dimensions for fresh fruit and vegetable containers are recommended by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) for the purpose of international standardization. This study shows that 30.3 percent of the containers were within the OECD recommendations

    Watershed assessment through ecological research/farmers active in research

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    Proceedings of the 2003 Georgia Water Resources Conference, held April 23-24, 2003, at the University of Georgia.Producers in the Southern Piedmont graze and manage their lands in a variety of ways across watersheds and across individual farms. These land management practices may have an impact on the nitrogen (N) and phosphorus (P) concentrations in stream base flow and storm flow. A group of producers, researchers and educators (WATER/FAIR) pulled together to assess stream nutrient concentrations relative to land management practices in two typical Southern Piedmont watersheds. The objective of this paper is to increase awareness of participatory monitoring and of the spatial and temporal distribution of stream nutrients (N & P) at watershed and farm levels. Results showed that dissolved reactive P (DRP) concentrations were highly variable depending on the management system. Stream base flow nitrate concentrations were lower leaving farms than going into farms more than more than 75 percent of the time and were 16 percent lower in 2000 than in 1999. These lower concentrations coming out of farms could suggest that these management systems are not losing nutrients to aquatic systems but rather utilizing them on the farm

    Institutional stimuli and individual response as explanations of turnout : the 2009 EP election

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    This article sets out a social psychological theory of voting behaviour that integrates stimuli from institutions; perceptions of stimuli from such institutions as the media and government; and individual predispositions to respond. It thus clarifies the confusion caused in the classic Michigan model, which treats perceptions as individual attributes without regard to institutional stimuli. Multi-level statistical analysis of turnout at the 2009 European Parliament election shows that, after controlling for individual predispositions, institutional stimuli have a substantial effect on behaviour both contextually and by shaping individual perceptions

    The promise of historical sociology in international relations

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    Domestic and transnational perspectives on democratization

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    The disciplinary separation between comparative politics and international relations is regularly challenged but persists as a result of institutional inertia and hiring practices. This essay uses the issue of democratization in an attempt to go beyond rhetoric and to develop a framework that integrates the role of transnational activism into the analysis of domestic regime change. Comparative research on democratization confirms that underlying socioeconomic conditions affect the long-term sustainability of democratic reforms. The initiation of such reforms, as well as the process they take, can best be understood using an agency-based framework that links domestic and transnational forces. Outside interventions are a potent factor in challenging authoritarian practices, but they do not simply displace existing domestic practices and conditions. Although transnational activists and scholars often celebrate the empowering role of networking and mobilization, the long-term effects of such interventions are still poorly understood. Transnational ties may distract domestic activists from building effective coalitions at home or undermine their legitimacy overall. Transnational scholars and activists can learn from comparative research how different domestic groups use outside interventions to promote their interests at home

    Domestic and Transnational Perspectives on Democratization

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