106 research outputs found

    Tanti modi per promuoversi. Artisti, dottori, letterati nella Roma del Seicento

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    The central idea of this book is that since the Renaissance and through the 17th and 18th centuries, a certain number of artists, scholars and members of the liberal professions struggled to construe themselves as "intellectual personae" endowed with distinct features that placed them in a distinct social rank. They did so individually and collectively, through theoretical writings and through practice, openly claiming for social recognition or more silently trying to attain it through their actions. I have borrowed the notion of “intellectual personae” from Lorrain Daston and Otto Sibum who in the introduction to a special issue of Science in Context spoke of a persona as “a cultural identity that simultaneously shapes the individual in body and mind and creates a collective with a shared and recognized physiognomy”. But while Daston and Sibum were primarily interested in the cultural aspects of this phenomenon, as they considered the fashioning of the scientific personae within the context of the history of science, I would rather focus on its socio-economic and political features within the context of the history of the Ancien regime, i. e. a hierarchical society, strongly characterized by ascribed status. By intellectual personae I thus refer to people exercising very different activities – as I said artists, scholars, lawyers, medicine doctors – and yet sharing a common feature: they were all exercising “intellectual” or “cultivated” professions and providing “cultural” services or goods. And they all pretended that this special quality of their activities placed them in a separate rank: if they did not belong to the titled nobility, they certainly were not members of the laboring ranks of the society

    Universel/particulier : femmes et droits de propriété (Rome, XVIIe siÚcle)

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    Le statut juridique des femmes et de leurs biens introduit des diffĂ©rences par rapport Ă  celui des hommes, diffĂ©rences qui sont tantĂŽt dĂ©fendues tantĂŽt dĂ©noncĂ©es par les femmes elles-mĂȘmes, selon qu’elles visent Ă  mettre leurs biens Ă  l’abri des prĂ©tentions des crĂ©anciers ou, au contraire, qu’elles manifestent leur volontĂ© de tester le plus librement possible. Mais, en prĂ©alable Ă  la diffĂ©rence entre hommes et femmes, se trouve le problĂšme de la dĂ©finition du droit de propriĂ©tĂ© en tant que tel. De nombreux tĂ©moignages montrent en effet que celui-ci est souvent dĂ©duit d’un Ă©tat de fait, plutĂŽt que de la production d’un titre lĂ©gitime. Et, Ă  la diffĂ©rence de la propriĂ©tĂ©, la possession ne se dĂ©cline pas selon le genre.The legal statute of women and their properties introduces several differences from men’s own statute. These are sometimes supported and sometimes denounced by women themselves, depending on their willingness to protect their goods from creditors’ pretensions or to be as free as possible in disposing of their property. But previous to any difference between legal statutes is the problem of the definition of property right itself. A large number of evidences show indeed that property right is more often deduced from a state of fact than from the production of a legal title. And contrary to property, possession is not declined with gender

    Histoire sociale de l’Italie moderne et contemporaine

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    GĂ©rard Delille, directeur d’études avec Brigitte Marin, directeur des Ă©tudes Ă  l’École française de RomeMarina Caffiero et Renata Ago, professeurs Ă  l’UniversitĂ© La Sapienza, Rome et Marine Boiteux Histoire et anthropologie des sociĂ©tĂ©s mĂ©diterranĂ©ennes de l’AntiquitĂ© Ă  la pĂ©riode contemporaine Le sĂ©minaire a traitĂ© du thĂšme « Territoire et pouvoir ». Les diffĂ©rents intervenants ont essayĂ© de montrer Ă  travers quels systĂšmes de relations ou de coercition, des groupes ou des reprĂ©sentants inst..

    Entre consumos suntuários e comuns: a posse de objetos exóticos entre alguns habitantes do Porto (séculos XVI – XVII)

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    O estudo da documentação referente aos doadores da Misericórdia do Porto entre os séculos XVI e XVII, através dos objetos exóticos patentes nos respectivos testamentos e inven- tários – estes últimos provenientes de uma área que se estende de Macau ao Brasil –, permite discernir uma panóplia de objetos que mudaram a cultura material dos portuenses em contato com os territórios da expansão portuguesa. Um levantamento sistemático permitiu já rastrear, até o ano de 1699, 257 doadores, dos quais se apresentarão aqui apenas alguns, referentes a benfeitores que, não obstante possuírem bens móveis nesse âmbito, não são dados como tendo estado nos territórios de expansão transoceânica. Argumentar-se-á que essa circulação de objetos não foi exclusiva das elites nobiliárquicas, nem dos grandes centros urbanos, pelo que a sua difusão atingiu maiores proporções do que aquelas que a historiografia tem admitido até agora. A cidade em observação neste estudo – o Porto dos séculos XVI e XVII – estava longe de ser das maiores da Europa nesse período, quer em dimensão territorial, quer em efetivos populacionais, embora se situasse numa região de demografia pujante, que canalizou os seus excedentes desde cedo para a emigração interna e externa – o Entre Douro e Minho. Como teremos ocasião de verificar, fidalgos e nobres possuíam bens exóticos, mas estes encontravam-se também entre mercadores e até artesãos mais desafogados. Por outro lado, nem todos os objetos provenientes dos espaços da expansão transoceânica devem ser conotados com bens de luxo.The study of the sources referring to the donors of the MisericĂłrdia of the city of Porto during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries has revealed the presence of numerous exotic objects in their last wills and inventories. A survey has traced 257 donors until 1699, some of them having died in an area that extends from Macao to Brazil. Only a small number of cases shall be presented here, pertaining to benefactors who, in spite of owning objects of transoceanic origin, seem to have remained in mainland Portugal. It shall be argued that the circulation of objects has not been exclusive either to the elites of the nobility or to the large urban centres, their diffusion having been on a larger scale than what has been admitted until now. The city under scrutiny in this study – Porto during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries – was not one of the bigger cities in this period, either in what respects to size or population, although it was located in an area of flourishing demography, that channelled its surplus population early on to internal and external emigration. Fidalgos and noblemen owned exotic goods, but these were to be found among merchants and even well-to-do artisans. On the other hand, not all objects originating from the areas of transoceanic expansion should be considered as luxury goods.info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersio

    Les biens meubles. Une propriĂ©tĂ© qui ne crĂ©e pas d’appartenance ?

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    Partant de la question de l’éventuel pouvoir des biens meubles Ă  charpenter l’appartenance Ă  la communautĂ©, l’article se pose d’abord le problĂšme de leur caractĂšre, qui apparaĂźt bien plus artificiel et construit par la loi que naturel et descendant de la nature des choses. Au-delĂ  des discours des juristes, pour lesquels les meubles sont dĂ©cidĂ©ment secondaires par rapport aux immeubles, la pratique des individus, et surtout celle des testateurs/testatrices, montre que les premiers sont fondamentalement complĂ©mentaires aux seconds et permettent de moduler trĂšs finement la transmission de biens et de valeurs d’une gĂ©nĂ©ration Ă  l’autre, ainsi que l’expression de ses propres affections familiales et personnelles. Toutefois, si certains biens meubles ont une valeur, qui est financiĂšre outre que symbolique et affective, pour ceux qui les ont fabriquĂ©s ou acquis au prix d’un sacrifice de temps et d’argent, les hĂ©ritiers qui les reçoivent, les acquĂ©rant sans les avoir particuliĂšrement « mĂ©ritĂ©s », ne peuvent pas s’en parer de la mĂȘme façon, et l’éventuelle distinction qu’ils avaient confĂ©rĂ© au dĂ©funt n’arrive pas Ă  se transmettre.Discussing the eventual power of the movables to construct social and communitarian links, the article argues that their character appears much more artificial and constructed by the law than natural and depending on the nature of things. Beyond the jurist’ discourses, who consider the movables far less important than the real estate, the social practice of the individuals, and especially that of the testators, shows that the firsts are fundamentally complementary to the latters and allow to finely modulate the transmission of goods and values from one generation to the other, together with a more subtle expression of one’s affections both familial and personal. However, whilst for those who have acquired them thanks to their sacrifice of time and money some movables have a value, which is financial as well as symbolic and affective, the inheritors, who acquire them without really deserving them, cannot use them in the same honorific way, and the eventual distinction they conferred to the deceased cannot be transmitted

    Collezioni di quadri e collezioni di libri a Roma tra XVI e XVII secolo

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    Le stanze di Olimpia. La principessa Giustiniani Barberini e il linguaggio delle cose

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    Risultato di un progetto di ricerca di rilevanza nazional

    Denaturalizing Things: A Comment

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