Recensions

Luc BRISSON, F. Walter MEYERSTEIN, Inventer l'Univers. Le problème de la connaissance et les modèles cosmologique

Que disent les enfants de la crise humanitaire en Grèce ?

TEPSIS PAPERHow do Greek children between the ages of 10 and 12 speak about the economic and social “crisis”? How is one to relate their lived experience, representations, attitudes and reactions without speaking in their stead? And, in so doing, how is one to win their trust and give them the possibility and freedom to work on and enrich their relation to the world, themselves, and others? We address these questions in a research project started in 2014 in several elementary schools of the western suburbs of Thessaloniki, the second largest city of a country that has been hard hit by the social consequences of the austerity policies imposed by its European creditors since 2010: the gross domestic product (GDP) has plunged by nearly 25 percent; direct and indirect taxes have increased, representing a 337.7 percent tax burden increase for the underprivileged; mass unemployment rates have been soaring (25 percent on average); and drastic budget cuts have been made in social welfare and public services...Comment des enfants grecs de dix à douze ans s'expriment-ils au sujet de « la crise » économique et sociale ? Comment rendre compte, sans parler à leur place, de leur expérience vécue, de leurs représentations, prises de position et réactions à celle-ci ? Et comment, ce faisant, gagner leur confiance, leur donner la possibilité et la liberté de travailler, d'enrichir leur rapport au monde, à soi et à autrui ? Telle est l'ambition de la recherche entamée en 2014 dans plusieurs écoles élémentaires de la banlieue ouest de Thessalonique, la deuxième métropole d'une Grèce durement frappée par les conséquences sociales des politiques d'austérité imposées au pays par ses créanciers européens à partir de 2010 : chute brutale (près de 25 %) du Produit industriel brut (PIB), augmentation des impôts et des taxes représentant pour les moins favorisés un accroissement de 337 % de leur charge fiscale, explosion du chômage de masse (25 % en moyenne), sévères coupes budgétaires dans la protection sociale et les services publics

U.S. - Vietnam Comprehensive Partnership Present an Possible

Relations between the United States and Vietnam entered a new era in July 2013 with the conclusion of the U.S.-Vietnam comprehensive partnership agreement announced by President Barack Obama and President Truong Tan Sang. The U.S.-Vietnam comprehensive partnership is an overarching framework for strengthening and deepening cooperation across nine sectors: political and diplomatic relations, trade and economic ties, science and technology, education and training, environment and health, war legacy issues, defence and security, protection and promotion of human rights, and culture, sports and tourism. It has been four years since the U.S.-Vietnam comprehensive partnership was officially launched. It is, therefore, time to assess this comprehensive partnership. The article will begin with a brief literature review which demonstrates the needs to produce a dedicated analysis of U.S.-Vietnam comprehensive partnership before examining the U.S. and Vietnamese concepts of a comprehensive partnership. It also seeks to explore what have motivated Hanoi and Washington to elevate their bilateral relations to a new height. The article goes on to evaluate developments in the U.S.-Vietnam relations from July 2013 up to July 2017 on five main sectors: economic ties, security cooperation, people-to-people ties, cooperation on humanitarian and war legacy issues, cooperation on regional and global challenges. It will demonstrate that the U.S.-Vietnam relationship has achieved important progresses since the announcement of the U.S.-Vietnam comprehensive partnership. Last but not least, the article will look at the possible shapes of the United States and Vietnam in the future

U.S. Pakistan Relations during the Cold War

Since the end of British India’s colonial rule in 1947 and the subsequent partition of the South Asian subcontinent, Pakistan’s foreign policy has been driven largely by geopolitical and ideological concerns. Located at the crossroads of the Middle East and South Asia, and relatively close to the Soviet Union (USSR) and Europe, Pakistan emerged not only as a potential bridge between the oil-rich Persian Gulf, energy-hungry East Asia, and the West[1], but also as a channel to ‘the Muslim World’. Such potential, however, has never been fulfilled: unsettled territorial disputes with India, along with irreconcilable national identity claims, weak intra-regional trade and fragile democratic structures have all prevented Pakistan from escaping the security dilemma it has faced since its inception

Environmental Imperatives and International Relations Canada’s challenge to environmental diplomacy

Successful negotiation of multilateral environmental treaties poses a formidable challenge to the diplomatic community. The spread of environmental concerns through domestic and international politics has been steady since the late 1960s. Often, efforts to implement measures to protect the natural environment have pitted traditional sources of economic strength and political power against popular demands of active constituents and local communities. For the politically disenfranchised, the environment has provided access to discussions concerning industrial growth and the adverse impacts on communal living.[1] Many of the impacts felt from environmental politics stem from local affairs, but they have implications for global politics that are increasingly audible, specifically among developed nations

Before and Beyond the Bachelor Machine

This paper will examine the importance of Marcel Duchamp’s La Machine Célibataire (The Bachelor) on Art and Technology in the 20th and 21st centurie

La producción institucional del genero en los tribunals de menores.: Reflexiones acerca de la atención a la adolescencia por parte de la justicia civil y penal en Francia

Arthur Vuattoux, Tepsis paper n°12, version hispanophoneLas instituciones encargadas de atender a un público, como ocurre con los Tribu-nales de Menores, participan igualmente en la producción de su público, de las categorías de público. Una reciente investigación etnográfica llevada a cabo en dos Tribunales de Menores franceses muestra cómo el género articula el trato que re-ciben los adolescentes y las adolescentes por parte de la institución judicial. Pero la institución, ¿a través de qué medios, con qué mecanismos construye, produce el género ? ¿Cómo se entiende la regularidad con la que observamos en los asun-tos judiciales, por ejemplo, que las adolescentes se libren con mayor facilidad del control social, beneficiándose de modalidades de protección específicas, mien-tras que el comportamiento errado de los adolescentes se reduce a actos que se evalúan desde un prisma más estrictamente penal ? La investigación que aquí presento fue realizada para una tesis doctoral sobre el trato a la adolescencia por parte de la justicia civil y penal desde el punto de vista del género y de las diferentes relaciones de poder que conforman el entorno social. Se trata de una investigación que abarca, al menos, tres ámbitos de la sociología: la sociología de la desviación, que invita a plantearse la relación entre « norma » y « desviaciones » ; la sociología del derecho y de la justicia, que abre ha-cia a un complejo mundo profesional caracterizado por racionalidades sumamente codificadas; y la sociología del género, que desde hace tanto tiempo ha revelado la diferencia de trato que reciben las personas en función de su género junto con los mecanismos con los que demostrarlo. El objeto del estudio, visto desde sus distintos ángulos, puede sintetizarse por medio de los siguientes interrogantes: ¿cómo una institución, cuyo principal cometido con-siste en dictar y aplicar reglas jurídicas, produce sus sentencias ? ¿Son |os juicios permeables a ciertas normas ajenas a la institución pero predominantes en la socie-dad, a semejanza de las normas de género que tienden a crear figuras que diferen-cian la adolescencia masculina y femenina y sus desviaciones asociadas ? ¿Hasta qué punto produce la justicia arbitrariedades con respecto a, exclusivamente, la pert-enencia de género de los justiciables

The UNSC Resolution 1325 and Sudan: Solving the ‘silent security dilemma’?

The overall aim of the paper is to investigate the implementation and consequences of the UNSC Resolution 1325 in the case of post-war Sudan from 2005-2011. By applying a theoretical framework comprised by critical security studies (the Copenhagen School) and feminist poststructuralist contributions, the goal is to examine if the UNSC Resolution 1325 (and selected follow-up resolutions) has been a solution to the so-called ‘gendered silence.’ The underlying assumption is that the exclusion of women from the peace negotiation table, and in post-conflict public life, compromises the chances for lasting peace and stability. Historically, women have been silenced and, no matter their role during conflict, they have been deemphasized and pushed in the domestic sphere of post-conflict. The “groundbreaking” UNSC Resolution 1325 is seen by many as a call for change and presents the opportunity to give agency to women in post-conflict settings. However, the question remains if this is the reality on the ground, and if issues of gendered security have been accepted in post-conflict policies. The paper concludes on the resolution being an attempt of securitization, which has not been accepted by the relevant audience in Sudan. Therefore, it has not solved the ‘silent security dilemma’ and rather ‘subsuming security’ has occurred