The United Kingdom 2017 election:polarisation in a split issue space

After decades in which party competition was fought in the centre ground, the 2017 UK General Election witnessed a return to more conflictual politics. This article assesses public support for the electoral strategies of the main parties and examines the extent to which the issues the parties campaigned on resonated with their own supporters, as well as with the wider public. Drawing on the issue-yield framework, the article shows that the Conservative campaign\u2013generally considered to be badly run\u2013did not focus on issues that would fully exploit the opportunities for expanding support that were open to the party. Labour, by contrast, played a much better hand. While taking a clear left-wing stance on many policies that were popular with its constituency, the party also skilfully emphasised valence issues that Labour is often seen as more credible on, such as healthcare and education

Duverger's Law and the Size Of the Indian Party Sytem

Duverger's law postulates that single-member plurality electoral systems lead to two-party systems. Existing scholarship regards India as an exception to this law at national level, but not at district level. This study tests the latter hypothesis through analysis of a comprehensive dataset covering Indian parliamentary elections in the period 1952—2004. The results show that a large number of Indian districts do not conform to the Duvergerian norm of two-party competition, and that there is no consistent movement towards the Duvergerian equilibrium. Furthermore, inter-region and inter-state variations in the size of district-level party systems make it difficult to generalize about the application of Duverger's law to the Indian case. The study concludes that a narrow focus on electoral rules is inadequate, and that a more comprehensive set of explanatory variables is needed to explain the size of the Indian party system even at the district level

The role of "costs" in political choice: a review

Peer Reviewedhttp://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/67848/2/10.1177_002200276300700209.pd

Aggregation and Representation in the European Parliament Party Groups

While members of the European Parliament are elected in national constituencies, their votes are determined by the aggregation of MEPs in multinational party groups. The uncoordinated aggregation of national party programmes in multinational EP party groups challenges theories of representation based on national parties and parliaments. This article provides a theoretical means of understanding representation by linking the aggregation of dozens of national party programmes in different EP party groups to the aggregation of groups to produce the parliamentary majority needed to enact policies. Drawing on an original data source of national party programmes, the EU Profiler, the article shows that the EP majorities created by aggregating MEP votes in party groups are best explained by cartel theories. These give priority to strengthening the EP’s collective capacity to enact policies rather than voting in accord with the programmes they were nationally elected to represent

Two sword lengths apart: Credible commitment problems and physical violence in democratic national legislatures

Ideally, national legislatures in democracies should be venues for peacefully resolving conflicts between opposing groups. However, they can become places of physical violence. Such violence can be an indication that countries’ legislative institutions are functioning far from the democratic ideal of being venues for peaceful conflict reconciliation. In some cases, such as Ukraine prior to the 2014 outbreak of armed conflict in the country’s east and south, violence can indicate and possibly fuel deeper political divisions. In this first global study of legislative violence, I show that brawls are more likely when legislators find it difficult to credibly commit to follow peaceful bargains. Credible commitment problems are more acute in countries with new democracies and disproportionate electoral outcomes – that is, when electoral votes for parties do not closely correspond to the legislative seats they are given. I find robust support for this argument by first examining a case study of legislative violence in the antebellum United States Senate. Pro- and anti-slavery senators became increasingly unable to maintain credible commitments in the lead-up to the 1856 caning of Senator Charles Sumner as the allocation of seats in the legislative body became more disproportional. Second, I find further support for my argument in a new global dataset of contemporary instances of violence in national legislatures. In addition, I find strong evidence that violence is more likely in legislatures with small minority governments. Despite reasonable expectations, civil wars are not associated with more legislative violence

A multidisciplinary approach to severe bronchopulmonary dysplasia is associated with resolution of pulmonary hypertension

ObjectiveTo describe our multidisciplinary bronchopulmonary dysplasia (BPD) consult team's systematic approach to BPD associated pulmonary hypertension (PH), to report our center outcomes, and to evaluate clinical associations with outcomes.Study designRetrospective cohort of 60 patients with BPD-PH who were referred to the Seattle Children's Hospital BPD team from 2018 to 2020. Patients with critical congenital heart disease were excluded. Demographics, comorbidities, treatments, closure of hemodynamically relevant intracardiac shunts, and clinical outcomes including time to BPD-PH resolution were reviewed.ResultsMedian gestational age of the 60 patients was 25 weeks (IQR: 24–26). 20% were small for gestational age (SGA), 65% were male, and 25% received a tracheostomy. With aggressive cardiopulmonary management including respiratory support optimization, patent ductus arteriosus (PDA) and atrial septal defect (ASD) closure (40% PDA, 5% ASD, 3% both), and limited use of pulmonary vasodilators (8%), all infants demonstrated resolution of PH during the follow-up period, including three (5%) who later died from non-BPD-PH morbidities. Neither SGA status nor the timing of PH diagnosis (<36 vs. ≥36 weeks PMA) impacted the time to BPD-PH resolution in our cohort [median 72 days (IQR 30.5–166.5)].ConclusionOur multidisciplinary, systematic approach to BPD-PH management was associated with complete resolution of PH with lower mortality despite less sildenafil use than reported in comparable cohorts. Unique features of our approach included aggressive PDA and ASD device closure and rare initiation of sildenafil only after lack of BPD-PH improvement with respiratory support optimization and diagnostic confirmation by cardiac catheterization

Formal Alliances, 1816-1965: an Extension of the Basic Data

Peer Reviewedhttp://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/69121/2/10.1177_002234336900600305.pd