Emergent phonological representations: no need for autosegmental architecture

This paper examines implications for autosegmental representations of a model that minimizes the role of an innate linguistic endowment in grammar formation. If the innate linguistic endowment is minimized, language learning is from the bottom up and cannot rely on universal structures. Bottom-up grammars share common goals with top-down grammars, among them to identify and characterize phonological patterns. In this paper, we examine vowel distribution in Tiv, a Niger-Congo language of Nigeria. The six Tiv vowels occur in restricted positions in verbs: only 10 of the 36 possible V1(C)V2 sequences occur with any frequency. Tiv vowel distribution has been explained in terms of feature geometry, association rules, and spreading rules. We show that while the vowel distribution can be expressed using such an architecture, it can also be expressed in simpler terms, relying only on nonlinguistic capabilities such as the ability to evaluate input based on similarity and frequency, and the ability to construct symbolic representations of such data. In addition to conceptual arguments in favor of a bottom-up, emergent phonology, the paper provides an example of the analysis of a phonological system under the Emergence hypothesis.postprin

Towards a Robuster Interpretive Parsing

The input data to grammar learning algorithms often consist of overt forms that do not contain full structural descriptions. This lack of information may contribute to the failure of learning. Past work on Optimality Theory introduced Robust Interpretive Parsing (RIP) as a partial solution to this problem. We generalize RIP and suggest replacing the winner candidate with a weighted mean violation of the potential winner candidates. A Boltzmann distribution is introduced on the winner set, and the distribution’s parameter $T$ is gradually decreased. Finally, we show that GRIP, the Generalized Robust Interpretive Parsing Algorithm significantly improves the learning success rate in a model with standard constraints for metrical stress assignment

On the exactness of the cavity method for Weighted b-Matchings on Arbitrary Graphs and its Relation to Linear Programs

We consider the general problem of finding the minimum weight b-matching on arbitrary graphs. We prove that, whenever the linear programming relaxation of the problem has no fractional solutions, then the cavity or belief propagation equations converge to the correct solution both for synchronous and asynchronous updating

Theoretical Analysis of Competing Conformational Transitions in Superhelical DNA

We develop a statistical mechanical model to analyze the competitive behavior of transitions to multiple alternate conformations in a negatively supercoiled DNA molecule of kilobase length and specified base sequence. Since DNA superhelicity topologically couples together the transition behaviors of all base pairs, a unified model is required to analyze all the transitions to which the DNA sequence is susceptible. Here we present a first model of this type. Our numerical approach generalizes the strategy of previously developed algorithms, which studied superhelical transitions to a single alternate conformation. We apply our multi-state model to study the competition between strand separation and B-Z transitions in superhelical DNA. We show this competition to be highly sensitive to temperature and to the imposed level of supercoiling. Comparison of our results with experimental data shows that, when the energetics appropriate to the experimental conditions are used, the competition between these two transitions is accurately captured by our algorithm. We analyze the superhelical competition between B-Z transitions and denaturation around the c-myc oncogene, where both transitions are known to occur when this gene is transcribing. We apply our model to explore the correlation between stress-induced transitions and transcriptional activity in various organisms. In higher eukaryotes we find a strong enhancement of Z-forming regions immediately 5′ to their transcription start sites (TSS), and a depletion of strand separating sites in a broad region around the TSS. The opposite patterns occur around transcript end locations. We also show that susceptibility to each type of transition is different in eukaryotes and prokaryotes. By analyzing a set of untranscribed pseudogenes we show that the Z-susceptibility just downstream of the TSS is not preserved, suggesting it may be under selection pressure

Rime length, stress, and association domains

Every regular Chinese syllable has a syllable tone (the tone we get when the syllable is read in isolation). In some Chinese languages, the tonal pattern of a multisyllabic expression is basically a concatenation of the syllable tones. In other Chinese languages, the tonal pattern of a multisyllabic expression is determined solely by the initial syllable. I call the former M -languages (represented by Mandarin) and the latter S -languages (represented by Shanghai). I argue that there is an additional difference in rime structures between the two language groups. In S-languages, all rimes are simple, i.e., there are no underlying diphthongs or codas. In M-languages, all regular rimes are heavy. I further argue that a syllable keeps its underlying tones only if it has stress. Independent metrical evidence tells us that heavy rimes may carry inherent stress. Thus, in M-languages, all regular syllables are stressed and retain their underlying tones (which may or may not undergo further changes). In contrast, in S-languages, regular rimes do not carry inherent stress; instead, only those syllables that are assigned stress by rule can keep their underlying tones and hence head a multisyllabic tonal domain.Peer Reviewedhttp://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/42998/1/10831_2005_Article_BF01440582.pd