“Flight” and “Time of Light”: The Impact of Poetry Sequences on Author and Audience

Undergraduate Creative and Artisti

Fuerza excesiva, vigilancia policial coercitiva y criminalización de la disidencia. Reprimir la protesta de los jóvenes en la Gran Bretaña del siglo XXI

Youth-led protest actions and protests with young people as key protagonists have increased and become more diverse. This article constitutes a detailed case study of evolutions in policing and the legislative framework pertaining to protests and young protesters in Britain, drawing on political sociology, political science, criminology and youth studies. The article first outlines the main protest actions involving young people in twenty-first century Britain. Next, it documents developments in policing tools and methods. It then explains changes to the legislative framework. I argue that through military-style policing tools and methods, combined with authoritarian laws, successive British governments have developed coercive policing, the monitoring of protesters and the criminalisation of dissent. This runs counter to official discourse claiming there has been a return to policing by consent with greater attention to human rights and dialogue following criticisms from various official bodies. Thus, in reality, an ostensibly liberal democratic state is wielding excessive force and coercion, as part of a securitisation process, in a bid to regulate and repress young citizens’ protest actions construed as a disruptive threat to the political status quo. In this way, young citizens are being deprived of their democratic and human right to peaceful protest with important implications for Britain and elsewhere.Las acciones de protesta organizadas por los jóvenes, y en las que estos son protagonistas clave, son cada vez más numerosas y diversas. Este artículo constituye un estudio de caso detallado de la evolución de los métodos y los medios utilizados por la policía, y del marco legislativo relativo a estas protestas y a los jóvenes manifestantes en Gran Bretaña, basado en la sociología política, las ciencias políticas, la criminología y los estudios sobre la juventud. En primer lugar, el artículo describe las principales acciones de protesta en las que participaron los jóvenes de la Gran Bretaña del siglo XXI. A continuación, documenta la evolución de los instrumentos y métodos policiales. A continuación se explican los cambios en el marco legislativo. En este artículo afirmo que, a través de herramientas y métodos policiales de tipo militar, combinados con leyes autoritarias, los sucesivos gobiernos británicos han desarrollado una policía coercitiva, la vigilancia de los manifestantes y la criminalización de la disidencia. Esto va en contra del discurso oficial que afirma que ha habido un retorno a la actividad policial por consentimiento con mayor respeto de los derechos humanos y al diálogo tras las críticas de varios organismos oficiales. Así, en realidad, un Estado democrático ostensiblemente liberal está ejerciendo una fuerza y una coerción excesivas, como parte de un proceso de securización, en un intento de regular y reprimir las acciones de protesta de los jóvenes ciudadanos, interpretadas como una amenaza perturbadora para el statu quo político. De este modo, se está privando a los jóvenes ciudadanos de su derecho democrático y humano a protestar pacíficamente, con importantes implicaciones para Gran Bretaña y otros países

What We Talk about When We Talk about Quality: A Librarian and Instructor Compare How They Assess Students\u27 Sources

This case study explores and compares how a librarian and an instructor evaluated the quality of bibliographies students produced for the instructor’s class. The ethnographic study attempted to unearth nuances in the respective practical approaches librarian and instructor took to assess a source’s quality as well as differences in what librarian and instructor might mean by “quality.” Themes emerged as indicators of quality that librarian and instructor applied differently in terms of frequency and weight. Findings also included that librarian and instructor looked to different aspects of citations to demonstrate common values, such as thoroughness, and to reflect the quality of a student’s research process. Additional findings included differences in librarian and instructor’s working definitions of “academic” and in their approaches to consulting the citation versus the full text of a cited source. The aim of the study was to make such implicit practices and expectations around “quality” explicit, and thus more transparent to students, and to better align librarian and instructor’s daily practices

Fault Detection in Ball Bearings

Ball bearing joints are a critical component in all rotating machinery, and detecting and locating faults in these joints is a significant problem in industry and research. Intelligent fault detection (IFD) is the process of applying machine learning and other statistical methods to monitor the health states of machines. This paper explores the construction of vibration images, a preprocessing technique that has been previously used to train convolutional neural networks for ball bearing joint IFD. The main results demonstrate the robustness of this technique by applying it to a larger dataset than previously used and exploring the hyperparameters used in constructing the vibration images

Politically Engaged Leisure: The Political Participation of Young People in Contemporary Britain beyond the Serious Leisure Model

This article discusses leisure in contemporary Britain pertaining to the political participation of young people in relation to the concepts of ‘serious leisure’ and ‘politically engaged leisure.’ Leisure is a fundamental component of a young person’s individual and collective identities, and some young people discover an interest in politics during their transition to adulthood. Research on the sociological concept of Serious Leisure Perspective (SLP) (Stebbins, 1982) has been carried out regarding many different activities, but it has rarely been considered apropos young people or indeed political activities. This article examines whether the Serious Leisure Perspective can be applied to traditional and innovative forms of political participation carried out by British youth in the twenty-first century and to what extent politically engaged leisure might be a more fitting term. By adopting a cross-disciplinary approach, the article identifies gaps in the current body of work on leisure and aims to add to academic understanding of leisure by pushing the boundaries of the existing conceptualisations of it. The article illustrates that is it possible to conceptualise political participation as a leisure activity and that the Serious Leisure Perspective could be used to describe it. The article goes on to suggest a new concept politically engaged leisure could be a useful way to describe political participation of politically committed young people in contemporary Britain.Cet article explore les loisirs en Grande-Bretagne contemporaine par rapport à la participation politique des jeunes et les concepts de ‘serious leisure’ (loisirs sérieux) et ‘politically engaged leisure’ (loisirs politiquement engagés). Les loisirs constituent un élément essential de l’identité individuelle et collective des jeunes et certains découvrent un intérêt pour la politique lors de leur transition vers l’âge adulte. Les recherches sur le concept sociologique de Serious Leisure Perspective (SLP) (Stebbins, 1982) portent sur de nombreuses activités, mais rarement concernant les jeunes ou bien la participation politique. Cet article examine si le Serious Leisure Perspective peut être appliqué aux formes traditionnelles et nouvelles de la participation politique des jeunes Britanniques au vingt-et-unième siècle et si le terme ‘politically engaged leisure’ n’est pas plus adapté. Par une approche interdisciplinaire, cet article identifie les lacunes dans les travaux existant sur les loisirs et tente de contribuer aux analyses des loisirs en élargissant les conceptualisations actuelles du terme. L’article montre qu’il est tout à fait possible de considérer la participation politique comme loisirs et que le Serious Leisure Perspective peut être véhiculé et appliqué. Enfin, l’article propose qu’un nouveau concept ‘politically engaged leisure’ (loisirs politiquement engagés) pourrait être utile pour décrire la participation politique chez certains jeunes politiquement actifs en Grande-Bretagne de nos jours

Les Beatles et la naissance de la culture jeune en Grande-Bretagne

Le nouveau phénomène du teenager émerge en Grande-Bretagne pendant les années 1950 en raison de facteurs contextuels bien spécifiques. John Lennon crée en 1956 le groupe skiffle les Quarry Men qui devient les Beatles au début des années 1960. L’arrivée de Ringo Starr confère au groupe sa composition définitive en 1962, année où les enfants nés du baby-boom d’après-guerre deviennent une entité démographique très visible avec de l’argent à dépenser dans la culture jeune. Les premiers disques des Beatles délaissent le skiffle et le rock’n’roll de leurs concerts au profit de chansons pop très commerciales qui visent les teenagers. Cet article explore les Beatles et leurs liens avec la naissance du teenager et de la culture jeune en Grande-Bretagne post-guerre. Il examine surtout la place sociologique que les Beatles occupent dans la société britannique afin de juger à quel point le groupe lance ou suit la culture jeune en Grande-Bretagne.The teenager emerged as a new phenomenon in Britain in the 1950s due to specific contextual factors. John Lennon formed the skiffle band The Quarry Men in 1956 and it would evolve into the Beatles at the start of the 1960s. By the time Ringo Starr joined the group in 1962, the children born during the post-war baby boom—“the bulge”—were a burgeoning and highly visible demographic entity with money and time to spend on leisure and youth culture. The Beatles first records left behind skiffle and rock‘n’roll in favour of very commercial pop songs aimed at the teenage market. This article explores the Beatles with regard to the group’s links to the birth of the teenager and youth culture in post-war England. It examines primarily the sociological place of the Beatles in English society, in order to ascertain to what extent the group were instigators or followers of English youth culture

Devolution, the Independence Referendum and Votes at 16 in Scotland: Holyrood, a Pioneer in Democracy Leading the Way for Westminster?

The Scottish Parliament enfranchised 16 and 17-year-olds prior to the 2014 referendum on independence of Scotland from the UK. Scotland was among the very first nations in the world to lower the minimum voting age below 18. The Scottish National Party (SNP) majority Government emphasised the importance of recognising other rights and responsibilities acquired at 16, getting young people involved in the democratic process, and giving them a voice. It also knew that independence was popular among young people. All the main parties are now in favour of votes at 16 in the Scottish Parliament, whereas in the UK Parliament, the Conservative Party and the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) remain officially opposed. This article addresses how and why Holyrood lowered the minimum voting age, contrary to Westminster. It first documents the processes that led to the enfranchisement of 16 and 17-year-olds in Scotland for the 2014 independence referendum. Next, the results of the referendum are studied and the outcomes in terms of the voting age in wider Scottish elections. The article then deals with the potential impact on Westminster debates on votes at 16 for the 2016 EU referendum. Last, there is a discussion on the differing stances in Holyrood and Westminster regarding young citizens and their right to vote.Le Parlement écossais a accordé le droit de vote aux jeunes de 16 et 17 ans, en 2014, à l’occasion du référendum de 2014 sur l'indépendance de l'Écosse. Ce faisant, l'Écosse a été l'une des toutes premières nations au monde à abaisser l'âge minimum du droit de vote au-dessous de 18 ans. Le gouvernement du Parti national écossais (SNP) a souligné l'importance d'impliquer les jeunes dans le processus démocratique, ainsi que les différents droits et responsabilités acquis à 16 ans. Dans le même temps, les Nationalistes savaient que le mouvement indépendantiste était également populaire parmi les jeunes. Tous les principaux partis du Parlement écossais sont désormais favorables au droit de vote à 16 ans, alors qu'au Parlement britannique, le Parti conservateur et le Parti unioniste démocratique (DUP) sont officiellement opposés. Cet article examine pourquoi Holyrood a abaissé la majorité électorale à la différence de Westminster. Il documente d'abord le processus menant au droit de vote des jeunes de 16 et 17 ans en Écosse en vue du référendum sur l'indépendance de 2014, ainsi que les résultats et les retombées du vote. Il analyse ensuite les raisons pour lesquelles le gouvernement majoritaire du SNP a choisi d'abaisser la majorité électorale. Ensuite, l’article traite de l’impact potentiel sur les débats à Westminster. L'article se termine en expliquant pourquoi Holyrood et Westminster diffèrent dans leur évaluation des jeunes citoyens et de leur droit de vote

Les Beatles et la naissance de la culture jeune en Grande-Bretagne

Le nouveau phénomène du teenager émerge en Grande-Bretagne pendant les années 1950 en raison de facteurs contextuels bien spécifiques. John Lennon crée en 1956 le groupe skiffle les Quarry Men qui devient les Beatles au début des années 1960. L’arrivée de Ringo Starr confère au groupe sa composition définitive en 1962, année où les enfants nés du baby-boom d’après-guerre deviennent une entité démographique très visible avec de l’argent à dépenser dans la culture jeune. Les premiers disques des Beatles délaissent le skiffle et le rock’n’roll de leurs concerts au profit de chansons pop très commerciales qui visent les teenagers. Cet article explore les Beatles et leurs liens avec la naissance du teenager et de la culture jeune en Grande-Bretagne post-guerre. Il examine surtout la place sociologique que les Beatles occupent dans la société britannique afin de juger à quel point le groupe lance ou suit la culture jeune en Grande-Bretagne.The teenager emerged as a new phenomenon in Britain in the 1950s due to specific contextual factors. John Lennon formed the skiffle band The Quarry Men in 1956 and it would evolve into the Beatles at the start of the 1960s. By the time Ringo Starr joined the group in 1962, the children born during the post-war baby boom—“the bulge”—were a burgeoning and highly visible demographic entity with money and time to spend on leisure and youth culture. The Beatles first records left behind skiffle and rock‘n’roll in favour of very commercial pop songs aimed at the teenage market. This article explores the Beatles with regard to the group’s links to the birth of the teenager and youth culture in post-war England. It examines primarily the sociological place of the Beatles in English society, in order to ascertain to what extent the group were instigators or followers of English youth culture

Peace, Protest and Precarity: Making Conceptual Sense of Young People’s Non-violent Dissent in a Period of Intersecting Crises

The current young generation are living through socio-historically situated intersecting crises, including precarity and climate change. In these times of crisis, young people are also bearing witness to a distinctive global wave of youth-led activism involving protest actions. Much of this activism can be deemed dissent because many young activists are calling for systemic change, including the radical disruption, reimagining and rebuilding of the social, economic and political status quo. In this interdisciplinary article, between politics and peace studies, we investigate how the concept of peace plays an important role in some young dissent, and specifically the dissent of young people taking action on climate change. We observed that these young environmental activists often describe their actions in careful terms of positive peace, non-violence, kindness and care, in order to express their dissent as what we interpret as positive civic behaviour. They also use concepts grounded in peace and justice to navigate their economic, political and social precarity. Based on a youth-centred study, drawing on insightful face to face semi-structured interviews in Britain and France with school climate strikers, Friday For Future (FFF) and Extinction Rebellion (XR) activists, we explore how young environmental activists themselves related their dissent, and especially how they attached importance to it being non-violent and/or peaceful. Stemming from our findings, we discuss how young environmental activists’ vision of violence and non-violence adapted to the structural and personal violence they face at the complex intersections of young marginalization, global inequalities and injustices in the lived impact of climate change and the policing of protest