Anatomy and function of the vertebral column lymphatic network in mice

Cranial lymphatic vessels (LVs) are involved in the transport of fluids, macromolecules and central nervous system (CNS) immune responses. Little information about spinal LVs is available, because these delicate structures are embedded within vertebral tissues and difficult to visualize using traditional histology. Here we show an extended vertebral column LV network using three-dimensional imaging of decalcified iDISCO(+)-clarified spine segments. Vertebral LVs connect to peripheral sensory and sympathetic ganglia and form metameric vertebral circuits connecting to lymph nodes and the thoracic duct. They drain the epidural space and the dura mater around the spinal cord and associate with leukocytes. Vertebral LVs remodel extensively after spinal cord injury and VEGF-C-induced vertebral lymphangiogenesis exacerbates the inflammatory responses, T cell infiltration and demyelination following focal spinal cord lesion. Therefore, vertebral LVs add to skull meningeal LVs as gatekeepers of CNS immunity and may be potential targets to improve the maintenance and repair of spinal tissues.Peer reviewe

Muddling through: The Rhetoric on Conservatism and Revolution in the London Times, 1789-2010

Historians have devoted a great deal of attention to analysing the vocabularies and political and philosophical languages that emerged during the modern era. For instance, they have explored the ‘isms’ of the period (romanticism, liberalism, fascism, republicanism, communism, and so on), often in specific national settings and in specific periods. This article harnesses the strength of computer-assisted humanities’ research methods to map a single aspect of the language of conservatism in everyday reading material over a longer period of time. On the basis of the London Times, the article examines the way the concept of ‘revolution’ figured in relation to ‘conservatism’ in so-called value-laden semantic fields. These textual fields involve ideas and beliefs, have normative connotations, are highly iterative and vary over time in complex ways. Four such fields figured in the London Times, roughly marked by 1780, 1830, 1900, 1970 and 2010 as milestone years. Often reflecting on violent revolutions outside Britain, the journalists and commentators of the Times conceptualised British conservatism primarily as anti-reformist rather than anti-revolutionist. In the end, revolution even became an ironical term, applicable to anyone with a penchant for change, including conservatives themselves

Muddling through: The Rhetoric on Conservatism and Revolution in the London Times, 1789-2010

Historians have devoted a great deal of attention to analysing the vocabularies and political and philosophical languages that emerged during the modern era. For instance, they have explored the ‘isms’ of the period (romanticism, liberalism, fascism, republicanism, communism, and so on), often in specific national settings and in specific periods. This article harnesses the strength of computer-assisted humanities’ research methods to map a single aspect of the language of conservatism in everyday reading material over a longer period of time. On the basis of the London Times, the article examines the way the concept of ‘revolution’ figured in relation to ‘conservatism’ in so-called value-laden semantic fields. These textual fields involve ideas and beliefs, have normative connotations, are highly iterative and vary over time in complex ways. Four such fields figured in the London Times, roughly marked by 1780, 1830, 1900, 1970 and 2010 as milestone years. Often reflecting on violent revolutions outside Britain, the journalists and commentators of the Times conceptualised British conservatism primarily as anti-reformist rather than anti-revolutionist. In the end, revolution even became an ironical term, applicable to anyone with a penchant for change, including conservatives themselves

Muddling through: The Rhetoric on Conservatism and Revolution in the London Times, 1789-2010

Historians have devoted a great deal of attention to analysing the vocabularies and political and philosophical languages that emerged during the modern era. For instance, they have explored the ‘isms’ of the period (romanticism, liberalism, fascism, republicanism, communism, and so on), often in specific national settings and in specific periods. This article harnesses the strength of computer-assisted humanities’ research methods to map a single aspect of the language of conservatism in everyday reading material over a longer period of time. On the basis of the London Times, the article examines the way the concept of ‘revolution’ figured in relation to ‘conservatism’ in so-called value-laden semantic fields. These textual fields involve ideas and beliefs, have normative connotations, are highly iterative and vary over time in complex ways. Four such fields figured in the London Times, roughly marked by 1780, 1830, 1900, 1970 and 2010 as milestone years. Often reflecting on violent revolutions outside Britain, the journalists and commentators of the Times conceptualised British conservatism primarily as anti-reformist rather than anti-revolutionist. In the end, revolution even became an ironical term, applicable to anyone with a penchant for change, including conservatives themselves

How Conservative Was the Holy Alliance Really?: Tsar Alexander’s Offer of Radical Redemption to the Western World

This chapter argues that tsar Alexander’s Holy Alliance of 1815 was far less conservative and far more revolutionary than it was later understood to be. To make this point, the chapter reconstructs how this “secret plan” came to be understood as “conservative” and how this reading of the Holy Alliance Treaty was influenced by latter-day interpretations and machinations far more than by its concrete substance at the time. Subsequently, the origins and constitutive elements of the plan are delineated in order to demonstrate that it was a revolutionary amalgam of Christian pietism, semi-scientific Enlightenment theories, and a dose of modern, bureaucratic state centralism. Based on new archival evidence, it will transpire how both Prussian security experts and French semi-scientist scholars contributed to the design of the Holy Alliance. The Holy Alliance contained conservative ingredients, but the liberal and provocative elements stood out—these were however suppressed within a few years by political appropriations by other statesmen