COMPARATIVE EVALUATION OF GARDEN PEA VARIETIES OF TWO MORPHOTYPES ACCORDING TO A SET OF TRAITS IN KRASNODAR REGION

In 2014-15, evaluated in Krasnodar Region were the yield of green pea, net productivity of photosynthesis, productivity of a foliage surface unit as well as the economic coefficient in 16 garden pea varieties of the common leafy and leafless morphotypes. The study helped to identify leafless varieties comparable with those of the conventional morphotype accordin to the set of traits studied

Competing ideologies of Russia's civil society

Many analysts and public opinion makers in the West conflate the notions of Russia’s non-systemic liberal opposition and the country’s civil society. Indeed, despite garnering the support of a minority of Russia’s population, non-systemic liberal opposition represents a well-organized civic group with a clearly articulated agenda and the ability to take action. Yet, does Russia’s civil society end there? A closer look at the country’s politics shows that Russia has a substantial conservative-traditionalist faction that has also developed agenda for action and formulated opinions. This group is anti-liberal rather than illiberal ideologically and pro-strong state/pro a geopolitically independent Russia rather than pro-Kremlin politically. The interaction between liberal and conservative civic groups represents the battle of meanings, ideas, and ethics, and ultimately determines the future trajectory of Russia’s evolution. Thus, the analysis of Russia’s civil society must represent a rather more nuanced picture than a mere study of the liberal non-systemic opposition. This article will examine the complexity of Russia’s civil society scene with reference to the interplay between the liberal opposition and conservative majority factions. The paper will argue that such complexity stems from ideological value pluralism that falls far beyond the boundaries of the liberal consensus, often skewing our understanding of political practice in Russia

Normative resistance to responsibility to protect in times of emerging multipolarity: the cases of Brazil and Russia

This article assesses the normative resistance to Responsibility to Protect adopted by Brazil and Russia against the backdrop of their international identities and self-assigned roles in a changing global order. Drawing upon the framework of Bloomsfield's norm dynamics role spectrum, it argues that while the ambiguous Russian role regarding this principle represents an example of 'norm antipreneurship', particularities of Brazil's resistance are better grasped by a new category left unaccounted for by this model, which this study portrays as 'contesting entrepreneur'.- (undefined

Сравнение сорбционной способности активированных углей, цеолитов и промышленных образцов оксида алюминия по отношению к оксиду азота(II) в воздухе

This investigation studied the sorption of NO by activated carbons, zeolites and aluminum oxide at ambient temperature. It was found that γ-Al2O3 has the highest sorption capacity (45-50%). Among the studied activated carbons only AG-3 sample proved to be competitive with samples of γ-Al2O3. The NO sorption degree of the studied zeolites was less than 7%.В динамическом режиме изучена сорбция оксида азота (II) из воздуха активированными углями, цеолитами и образцами оксида алюминия. Установлено, что максимальную скорость сорбции NO (степень поглощения 45-50%) обеспечивают различные образцы γ-оксида алюминия. Из исследованных активированных углей только образец марки АГ-3 оказался конкурентоспособным с образцами γ-Al2O3. Изученные цеолиты обеспечивают степень поглощения NO не более 7%

Elite opinion and foreign policy in post-communist Russia

Russian elite opinion on matters of foreign policy may be classified as ‘Liberal Westerniser’, ‘Pragmatic Nationalist’ and ‘Fundamentalist Nationalist’, terms that reflect longstanding debates about the country’s relationship with the outside world. An analysis of press statements and election manifestoes together with a programme of elite interviews between 2004 and 2006 suggests a clustering of opinion on a series of strategic issues. Liberal Westernisers seek the closest possible relationship with Europe, and favour eventual membership of the EU and NATO. Pragmatic Nationalists are more inclined to favour practical co-operation, and do not assume an identity of values or interests with the Western countries. Fundamentalist Nationalists place more emphasis on the other former Soviet republics, and on Asia as much as Europe, and see the West as a threat to Russian values as well as to its state interests. Each of these positions, in turn, draws on an identifiable set of domestic constituencies: Liberal Westernisers on the promarket political parties, Pragmatic Nationalists on the presidential administration and defence and security ministries, and Fundamentalist Nationalists on the Orthodox Church and Communists

Сопряженный процесс окисления монооксида углерода и гидрокарбоксилирования циклогексена в циклогексанкарбоновую кислоту

The kinetic regularities of the conjugated process of the oxidation of carbon monoxide and the hydrocarboxylation of cyclohexene to cyclohexanecarboxylic acid have been studied. The copper(II) bromide addition allowed to stabilize the system and to increase selectivity due to the suppression of side reactions of the cyclohexene conversion and tetrahydrofuran. To achieve the acceptable rate and the selectivity of the transformation to cyclohexanecarboxylic acid it is advisable to use the palladium bromide concentration of 0.05 mol/L. To study the kinetic regularities the lower concentration of palladium bromide of 0.005 mol/L is required to ensure the system stability and the good reproducibility of results. The state of bromide complexes of palladium and copper under the conditions of conjugated catalytic synthesis of cyclohexanecarboxylic acid by the hydrocarboxylation of cyclohexene was studied by electron and infrared spectroscopy. It was found that during the conjugated process, copper exists in the form of copper(I) compounds, and palladium is present in the form of palladium(II) carbonyl complex. Hypotheses about the mechanism of this process were suggested. 24 two-route mechanisms of the carbon dioxide and the cyclohexanecarboxylic acid synthesis were obtained. Each of the 24 hypotheses spawned from one to three hypothetical mechanisms differing in the reversibility of the stages, the amount and the composition of intermediates accounted for in the material balance for the catalyst.Изучены кинетические закономерности сопряженного процесса окисления монооксида углерода и гидрокарбоксилирования циклогексена в циклогексанкарбоновую кислоту. Методами электрон-ной и инфракрасной спектроскопии исследовано состояние комплексов палладия и меди в системе PdBr2 - CuBr2 - ТГФ - Н2О в процессе синтеза циклогексанкарбоновой кислоты. В условиях сопряженного процесса медь существует в виде соединений Cu(I), палладий присутствует в форме карбонильного комплекса Pd(II). Выдвинуты гипотезы о механизме процесса

Comparison of sorption capacity of activated carbons, zeolites and industrial aluminum oxide with respect to nitric oxide (II) in the air

This investigation studied the sorption of NO by activated carbons, zeolites and aluminum oxide at ambient temperature. It was found that γ-Al2O3 has the highest sorption capacity (45-50%). Among the studied activated carbons only AG-3 sample proved to be competitive with samples of γ-Al2O3. The NO sorption degree of the studied zeolites was less than 7%

Competition for co-operation: Roles and Realities in Russian Foreign Policy

The discursive reconstruction of Eurasia has brought about structural changes, which have strengthened Russia’s position internationally, and fortified its soft power. As such, the Eurasian project reflects Russia’s broader approach to parties including BRICS and the EU. Russia’s political elite routinely promotes specific conceptions of Russia’s international identity and role with different partners as a means to facilitate cooperation. This creates significant geographical and policy overlaps and breeds inconsistency and competition, but nonetheless contributes to Russia’s preferred low-cost, low-commitment version of co-operation. The Eurasian project therefore represents just one (albeit important) example of the Russian leadership’s conversion of ideas about the international arena into political realities. By balancing competing roles and relationships, Russia maintains a ‘multi-vector’ foreign policy that is flexible, unencumbered by restrictive alliances, and oriented towards sovereignty, great power and strength