Turkish foreign policy in a changing world order

This article argues that there is a close relationship between the structure of the international system/order and how states define their foreign policy interests and then act accordingly. The main contention is that Turkey’s foreign policy performance since 2002 can be partially read as Turkey’s effort to adapt to external developments at international and regional levels. As the international system has evolved from a unipolar order (in which the United States, in cooperation with its European allies, provided the main public goods in an hegemonic fashion), into a post-unipolar era, Turkey has accelerated its efforts to pursue a more multi-dimensional and multi-directional foreign approach. Rather than arguing that there is a direct causation between the independent variable of systemic factors and the dependent variable of Turkey’s foreign policy performance, this article understands the external environment as a ‘context’ in which Turkish decision makers have responded to Turkey’s responses to foreign policy developments.No sponso

Turkey's adjustment to the emerging post-western international order: The Russian connection

Recent years have witnessed revolutionary changes in Turkey's domestic and international policies as the dynamics of the international order have been changing in a post-western fashion. Turkey, a NATO member since 1952 and an EU membership candidate since July 2005, has been experiencing a difficult relationship with its traditional allies and partners within the western international community over the last decade. This article seeks to analyze the dynamics of Turkey's response to the emerging post-western international order within the framework of Turkey’s domestic environment and foreign policy. Of special importance in this regard is the impact that the so-called Russian revisionism/resurgence has had on Turkey's choices. To what extent and in which ways have the dynamics of Russia's challenge to western primacy in global politics constituted a role model for Turkey? What are the similarities and differences between Russian and Turkish efforts to adapt to the emerging post-western international order?No sponso

NATO ve yeni dünya düzeni

Kurulduğu günden günümüze varlığını sürdüren NATO’nun çok-kutuplu dünya düzeninde ayakta kalıp kalamayacağı önemli bir soru. Kurumsal çatısı ve temel stratejik misyonu Soğuk Savaş yıllarında şekillenen NATO ilk ciddi sınavını Soğuk Savaş’ın bitmesiyle verdi. Sovyetler Birliği’nin yıkılmasını takiben ortaya çıkan tek-kutuplu dünya düzeninde NATO yeni işlevler edinerek yoluna devam etti. Merkezi ve Orta Avrupa’da yer alan eski komünist ülkelere doğru genişleyen NATO, aynı zamanda üyelerinin toprakları dışında ortaya çıkan krizlerin sonlandırılmasında etkili oldu. Kapsayıcı güvenlik anlayışı etrafında diğer uluslararası örgütlerle işbirliğini geliştiren NATO Soğuk Savaş sonrası ortamda yaşamaya devam etti. İttifakın küreselleşmesini savunanlarla özünde Avrupalı bir güvenlik örgütü olarak kalmasını savunlar arasında yaşanan tartışma dünya düzenin çok-kutuplu bir karakter kazanmasıyla devam edecek.No sponso

NATO-Rusya ilişkileri

Kuruluş amacı Sovyetler Birliği’nden kaynaklanan varoluşsal güvenlik tehditlerini caydırmak olan NATO, Soğuk Savaşın sona ermesiyle Rusya Federasyonu’na yönelik nasıl politika izlemesi gerektiğini tam olarak kararlaştırabilmiş değildir. Müttefikler arasında ciddi görüş ayrılıkları devam etmektedir. Soğuk Savaşın çeşitli evrelerinde benzer görüş ayrılıkları yaşayan müttefikler Sovyetler Birliği’nin yıkılması karşısında daha da zorlanmaya başladılar. Diğer taraftan Rusya’nın son on yıldır takip ediyor olduğu iddialı ve yer yer saldırgan dış politika çizgisi NATO müttefiklerini ittifakın kolektif savunma örgütü ve caydırıcılık misyonlarını güçlendirmeye sevk etmiş durumda. 2008’de Gürcistan ve 2014’de Ukrayna topraklarında Rusya’nın askeri güç kullanarak kendi çıkarlarını dayatmaya kalkması NATO-Rusya ilişkilerinin son yıllarda gergin olmasının en önemli nedenleri arasında. Yakın gelecekte iki taraf arasındaki ilişkilerin düzeleceğini söylemek için şu an çok erken.No sponso

Beyond the institutional logics: international level systemic analysis of EU-Turkish relations

This article aims to explain the slowing down of European Union (EU)–Turkish relations since the start of the accession negotiations in 2005 with international level systemic analysis. For this purpose, it examines the current challenges the new rising powers pose to the US-led unipolar international order and it shows how both the EU’s and Turkey’s responses to these challenges influence their relative powers as well as the negotiation process. By focusing on international level systemic dynamics, the article differs from the institutional explanations that explain EU–Turkish relations either with the utility-based logic of consequentialism or the norms-based logic of appropriateness.No sponso

The role of international institutions in identity transformation : the case of Turkish-Greek conflict within the European Union and NATO frameworks

Cataloged from PDF version of article.This dissertation analyses the impact of the dynamics of Turkey and Greece's institutional links with the European Union and NATO on the nature of Turkish-Greek relations from an International Relations theoretical perspective. In undertaking this task the main research interest is to uncover the impact of links with international institutions on the security identities of states. Relevant theoretical approaches, namely rationalist institutionalist theories of neo-liberalism and neo-realism and sociological institutionalist theory of social constructivism, are assessed in terms of their capabilities to explain the relationship between links with international institutions and security identities of states. In this regard, this dissertation mainly draws on the social constructivist approach for the main reason that the rationalist institutionalist theories fall short of offering convincing explanations as to the identity transforming effects of interactions within institutional environments. The main argument is that the contextual environment of Turkey and Greece’s interaction through the EU and NATO has contributed to the perpetuation of realpolitik security identities and practices in and around the Aegean Sea and Cyprus, rather than setting the stage for long-term cooperative bilateral relations based on non-realpolitik security identities. In this sense, the realpolitik kind bilateral security relations are ideational in nature and have been to a significant degree informed by the context of Turkey and Greece's joint membership in NATO and close relations on the margins of the European Union. This dissertation simply tries to unravel the mechanisms through which this outcome has taken place. Assuming that Turkey and Greece would have stable and long-term cooperative security relations if and only if their security identities and interests came closer to each other on the basis of the non-realpolitik security norms of the western international/security community, this dissertation argues that the way the dynamics of Turkey and Greece's institutional relations within the EU and NATO frameworks have unfolded has significantly curtailed this possibility. By way of conclusion, this dissertation has reached the following points: First, the social constructivist approaches are better equipped with the tools to highlight the identity-transforming effects of links with international institutions. Second, the alleged security community identities of the European Union and NATO have not contributed to the emergence of a security community between Greece and Turkey. This was so because NATO has been a collective defence organization of realpolitik kind since its inception. Besides, the European Union members have acted towards Turkey and Greece from an instrumental perspective, highlighting the costs and benefits of their true inclusion in the Union, rather than from the logic of appropriateness believing that their incorporation into the Union would be in accordance with the security identity of the Union. Third, for Turkey and Greece to develop a non-realpolitik security relationship within the framework of the European Union they should approach the EU from an ideational perspective, rather than an instrumental one. They should believe that the resolution of their territorial disputes in peaceful ways would be legitimate in order for them to be considered as real Europeans.Oğuzlu, H TarıkPh.D

An analysis of Turco-Greek dispute within the framework of European Union and NATO

Ankara : The Department of International Relations of Bilkent University, 1998.Thesis (Master's) -- Bilkent University, 1998.Includes bibliographical references leaves 104-114This study aims to analyze the current problems between Turkey and Greece by making special references to the European Union (EU) and NATO. The interesting point in TuroGreek relations took place after these countries began to seek ways to integrate themselves with the western world by seeking membership in the major institutions of this block, mainly EU and NATO. Although many circles both from these countries and from the international community had expected that possible membership of Turkey and Greece in these international organizations would suffice for the emergence of a peaceful and cooperative relationship b~tween these countries, the developments following their membership in these organizations disproved them. While, on one hand, the old problems between these two intensified, on the other hand, there took place some new points of contentions over Cyprus and the Aegean Sea. The major aim of this study is to have a brief look at the characteristics of bilateral relations within the framework of EU and NATO. The writer aims at analyzing the possible roles of these above-mentioned organizations in the deterioration of bilateral relations by making special reference to the problems which have been arisen due to the involvement of these international bodies in bilateral relations. A special emphasis has been made to the role of the EU in developments that took place in the course of the Cyprus dispute. Especially, the membership prospects of the Greek Cyprus Government in the EU, that gain importance after the EU included iv Cyprus in the membership list in December, 1997, have been analyzed keeping in mind the possible repercussions of this development in solution of the Cyprus dispute. One of the major aims of this study is to show that Turkey and Greece might create a suitable environment to make progress in the solution of their disputes, as soon as they cooperate seriously under the roof of NATO. Trying to solve problems within NATO framework, rather than using EU mechanisms, would yield more positive results in the near future.Oğuzlu, H TarıkM.S

Türkiye’nin güvenlik kültürünün oluşumunda psikolojik unsurlar

No sponso

Küresel salgın sonrası küresel eko-politik dönüşüm

Bu çalışma COVID-19 salgını sonrasında uluslararası siyasetin doğası ve uluslararası ilişkilerin yapısında ortaya çıkması muhtemel etkileri analiz ediyor. Küreselleşmenin ve ulus devletin geleceği, liberal ve otoriter devlet modellerinin bu süreçteki performansları, illiberal popülist siyasetin geleceği, salgını kontrol altına almak adına atılan adımların ahlakiliği, Avrupa Birliği bütünleşme sürecinin akıbeti ve Amerika Birleşik Devletleri ile Çin arasındaki jeopolitik rekabetin seyri salgının ortaya çıkardığı dinamiklerden yakından etkilenecek. Salgınla mücadele bağlamında ABD ve Çin hükümetlerinin benimsemiş oldukları tutumlar onların küresel yönetişim bağlamındaki liderlik kapasitelerini de yakından etkileyecek. COVID-19 sonrası çağda hiçbir şeyin eskisi gibi olmayacağı yünündeki öngörülere karşın bu çalışma daha ihtiyatlı bir tutum takınılması gerektiğini iddia ediyor ve geleceğin nasıl şekilleneceğine dair yapılan öngörülerde daha mütevazi olunması gerektiğini salık veriyor.This study tries to examine how the COVID-19 pandemic might affect the nature of international politics as well as the structure of international relations in the years to come. The way the pandemic unfolds and the measures adopted to stem it will likely affect the future of globalization process and the nation-state, the allure of democratic and authoritarian regimes, the future of illiberal populist parties and movements, the attractiveness of alternative moral approaches, the future of European Union integration process and the future trajectory of the geopolitical competition between the United States of America and Peoples’ Republic of China. The policies adopted by American and Chinese governments during this process will strongly affect their respective capabilities to play leadership roles in different aspects of global governance. Even though it is quite popular to argue that nothing will remain the same after the COVID-19 pandemic, this study recommends that analysts adopt a more modest and prudent approach in predicting the future course of international politics. It is still too early to offer ironclad statements regarding the future of international relations.No sponso

Modern theoretical development of geopolitics and strategic studies

No sponso