44 research outputs found
Turkish foreign policy in a changing world order
This article argues that there is a close relationship between the structure
of the international system/order and how states define their foreign policy
interests and then act accordingly. The main contention is that Turkey’s foreign
policy performance since 2002 can be partially read as Turkey’s effort to
adapt to external developments at international and regional levels. As the
international system has evolved from a unipolar order (in which the United
States, in cooperation with its European allies, provided the main public goods
in an hegemonic fashion), into a post-unipolar era, Turkey has accelerated
its efforts to pursue a more multi-dimensional and multi-directional foreign
approach. Rather than arguing that there is a direct causation between the
independent variable of systemic factors and the dependent variable of Turkey’s
foreign policy performance, this article understands the external environment
as a ‘context’ in which Turkish decision makers have responded to Turkey’s
responses to foreign policy developments.No sponso
Turkey's adjustment to the emerging post-western international order: The Russian connection
Recent years have witnessed revolutionary changes in Turkey's domestic and international policies as the dynamics of the international order have been changing in a post-western fashion. Turkey, a NATO member since 1952 and an EU membership candidate since July 2005, has been experiencing a difficult relationship with its traditional allies and partners within the western international community over the last decade. This article seeks to analyze the dynamics of Turkey's response to the emerging post-western international order within the framework of Turkey’s domestic environment and foreign policy. Of special importance in this regard is the impact that the so-called Russian revisionism/resurgence has had on Turkey's choices. To what extent and
in which ways have the dynamics of Russia's challenge to western primacy in global politics constituted a role model for Turkey? What are the similarities and differences between Russian and Turkish efforts to adapt to the emerging post-western international order?No sponso
Water vapor and gas barrier properties of biodegradable polymer nanocomposites films
Thesis (Master)--Izmir Institute of Technology, Chemical Engineering, Izmir, 2011Includes bibliographical references (leaves: 99-106)Text in English; Abstract: Turkish and Englishxii, 177 leavesPolylactide nanocomposite (PLANC) films were prepared with solution intercalation method by introducing sonication as an alternative for conventional polymers. The effect of polymer clay interaction on PLANCs was investigated with respect to molecular weight of the polylactide, organic modifier presence and type by focusing on five major aspects: structural analysis, barrier, thermal, mechanical and rheological properties.According to structural analyses, the best level of dispersion was obtained in PL65-10A nanocomposites due to high molecular weight polylactide and organomodified nanoclay usage leading to better molecular interaction between the layered silicates and polymer chains. However, phase separated structure was observed in PLA composites prepared with unmodified clay as basal space between layered silicates were not sufficient enough for the penetrating of the polymer chains into the layers. Barrier and mechanical properties of the nanocomposites were improved up to critical clay content for each nanocomposite system. Thermal stability of the intercalated and exfoliated nanocomposites increased with the addition of the clay. Best improvements were obtained in PL65-10A nanocomposites in accordance with structural analyses. In dynamic mechanical analysis, glass transition temperatures and storage modulus of PLANCs increased with increasing of clay amount owing to reinforcement effect of the silicate layers. In rheological measurements, PLANCs showed solid-like behavior at lower shear rates due to the formation of a network percolating clay lamellae, besides PLANCs showed shear thinning behavior at higher shear rates leading to developments on the processability of nanocomposites. Consequently, intercalated and exfoliated PLANCs could be used as an eco-friendly promising alternative to conventional polymers for short-life applications such as food packaging and coating
Beyond the institutional logics: international level systemic analysis of EU-Turkish relations
This article aims to explain the slowing down of European Union (EU)–Turkish relations since the start of the accession negotiations in 2005 with international level systemic analysis. For this purpose, it examines the current challenges the new rising powers pose to the US-led unipolar international order and it shows how both the EU’s and Turkey’s responses to these challenges influence their relative powers as well as the negotiation process. By focusing on international level systemic dynamics, the article differs from the institutional explanations that explain EU–Turkish relations either with the utility-based logic of consequentialism or the
norms-based logic of appropriateness.No sponso
NATO ve yeni dünya düzeni
Kurulduğu günden günümüze varlığını sürdüren NATO’nun çok-kutuplu dünya düzeninde ayakta kalıp kalamayacağı önemli bir soru. Kurumsal çatısı ve temel stratejik misyonu Soğuk Savaş yıllarında şekillenen NATO ilk ciddi sınavını Soğuk Savaş’ın bitmesiyle verdi. Sovyetler Birliği’nin yıkılmasını takiben ortaya çıkan tek-kutuplu dünya düzeninde NATO yeni işlevler edinerek yoluna devam etti. Merkezi ve Orta Avrupa’da yer alan eski komünist ülkelere doğru genişleyen NATO, aynı zamanda üyelerinin toprakları dışında ortaya çıkan krizlerin sonlandırılmasında etkili oldu. Kapsayıcı güvenlik anlayışı etrafında diğer uluslararası örgütlerle
işbirliğini geliştiren NATO Soğuk Savaş sonrası ortamda yaşamaya devam etti. İttifakın küreselleşmesini savunanlarla özünde Avrupalı bir
güvenlik örgütü olarak kalmasını savunlar arasında yaşanan tartışma dünya düzenin çok-kutuplu bir karakter kazanmasıyla devam edecek.No sponso
NATO-Rusya ilişkileri
Kuruluş amacı Sovyetler Birliği’nden kaynaklanan varoluşsal güvenlik tehditlerini caydırmak olan NATO, Soğuk Savaşın sona ermesiyle Rusya
Federasyonu’na yönelik nasıl politika izlemesi gerektiğini tam olarak kararlaştırabilmiş değildir. Müttefikler arasında ciddi görüş ayrılıkları devam etmektedir. Soğuk Savaşın çeşitli evrelerinde benzer
görüş ayrılıkları yaşayan müttefikler Sovyetler Birliği’nin yıkılması karşısında daha da zorlanmaya başladılar. Diğer taraftan Rusya’nın son on yıldır takip ediyor olduğu iddialı ve yer yer saldırgan dış politika
çizgisi NATO müttefiklerini ittifakın kolektif savunma örgütü ve caydırıcılık misyonlarını güçlendirmeye sevk etmiş durumda. 2008’de Gürcistan ve 2014’de Ukrayna topraklarında Rusya’nın askeri güç kullanarak kendi çıkarlarını dayatmaya kalkması NATO-Rusya ilişkilerinin son yıllarda gergin olmasının en önemli nedenleri arasında. Yakın gelecekte iki
taraf arasındaki ilişkilerin düzeleceğini söylemek için şu an çok erken.No sponso
The role of international institutions in identity transformation : the case of Turkish-Greek conflict within the European Union and NATO frameworks
Cataloged from PDF version of article.This dissertation analyses the impact of the dynamics of Turkey and Greece's
institutional links with the European Union and NATO on the nature of
Turkish-Greek relations from an International Relations theoretical
perspective. In undertaking this task the main research interest is to uncover
the impact of links with international institutions on the security identities of
states. Relevant theoretical approaches, namely rationalist institutionalist
theories of neo-liberalism and neo-realism and sociological institutionalist
theory of social constructivism, are assessed in terms of their capabilities to
explain the relationship between links with international institutions and
security identities of states. In this regard, this dissertation mainly draws on
the social constructivist approach for the main reason that the rationalist
institutionalist theories fall short of offering convincing explanations as to
the identity transforming effects of interactions within institutional
environments.
The main argument is that the contextual environment of Turkey and
Greece’s interaction through the EU and NATO has contributed to the
perpetuation of realpolitik security identities and practices in and around the
Aegean Sea and Cyprus, rather than setting the stage for long-term
cooperative bilateral relations based on non-realpolitik security identities. In
this sense, the realpolitik kind bilateral security relations are ideational in
nature and have been to a significant degree informed by the context of
Turkey and Greece's joint membership in NATO and close relations on the
margins of the European Union. This dissertation simply tries to unravel the
mechanisms through which this outcome has taken place. Assuming that
Turkey and Greece would have stable and long-term cooperative security
relations if and only if their security identities and interests came closer to
each other on the basis of the non-realpolitik security norms of the western
international/security community, this dissertation argues that the way the
dynamics of Turkey and Greece's institutional relations within the EU and
NATO frameworks have unfolded has significantly curtailed this possibility. By way of conclusion, this dissertation has reached the following
points: First, the social constructivist approaches are better equipped with the
tools to highlight the identity-transforming effects of links with international
institutions. Second, the alleged security community identities of the
European Union and NATO have not contributed to the emergence of a
security community between Greece and Turkey. This was so because
NATO has been a collective defence organization of realpolitik kind since
its inception. Besides, the European Union members have acted towards
Turkey and Greece from an instrumental perspective, highlighting the costs
and benefits of their true inclusion in the Union, rather than from the logic of
appropriateness believing that their incorporation into the Union would be in
accordance with the security identity of the Union.
Third, for Turkey and Greece to develop a non-realpolitik security
relationship within the framework of the European Union they should
approach the EU from an ideational perspective, rather than an instrumental
one. They should believe that the resolution of their territorial disputes in
peaceful ways would be legitimate in order for them to be considered as real
Europeans.Oğuzlu, H TarıkPh.D
An analysis of Turco-Greek dispute within the framework of European Union and NATO
Ankara : The Department of International Relations of Bilkent University, 1998.Thesis (Master's) -- Bilkent University, 1998.Includes bibliographical references leaves 104-114This study aims to analyze the current problems between Turkey and Greece by making
special references to the European Union (EU) and NATO. The interesting point in TuroGreek
relations took place after these countries began to seek ways to integrate
themselves with the western world by seeking membership in the major institutions of
this block, mainly EU and NATO.
Although many circles both from these countries and from the international community
had expected that possible membership of Turkey and Greece in these international
organizations would suffice for the emergence of a peaceful and cooperative relationship
b~tween these countries, the developments following their membership in these
organizations disproved them. While, on one hand, the old problems between these two
intensified, on the other hand, there took place some new points of contentions over
Cyprus and the Aegean Sea. The major aim of this study is to have a brief look at the
characteristics of bilateral relations within the framework of EU and NATO. The writer
aims at analyzing the possible roles of these above-mentioned organizations in the
deterioration of bilateral relations by making special reference to the problems which
have been arisen due to the involvement of these international bodies in bilateral
relations. A special emphasis has been made to the role of the EU in developments that
took place in the course of the Cyprus dispute. Especially, the membership prospects of
the Greek Cyprus Government in the EU, that gain importance after the EU included
iv
Cyprus in the membership list in December, 1997, have been analyzed keeping in mind
the possible repercussions of this development in solution of the Cyprus dispute.
One of the major aims of this study is to show that Turkey and Greece might create a
suitable environment to make progress in the solution of their disputes, as soon as they
cooperate seriously under the roof of NATO. Trying to solve problems within NATO
framework, rather than using EU mechanisms, would yield more positive results in the
near future.Oğuzlu, H TarıkM.S