Great Britain, the Soviet Union and the Resistance Movements in Yugoslavia, 1941

During the Second World War a brutal and distinctly complex war was fought in Yugoslavia. It was a mixture of an anti-fascist struggle for liberation as well as an ideological, civil, inter–ethnic and religious war, which witnessed a holocaust and genocide against Jews and Serbs. At least a million Yugoslavs died in that war, most of them ethnic Serbs. In their policies towards Yugoslavia, each of the three Allied Powers (the United States of America, the Soviet Union and Great Britain) had their short-term and long-term goals. The short-term goals were victory over the Axis powers. The long-term goals were related to the post-war order in Europe (and the world). The Allies were unanimous about the short-term goals, but differed with respect to long-term goals. The relations between Great Britain and the Soviet Union were especially sensitive: both countries wanted to use a victory in the war as a means of increasing their political power and influence. Yugoslavia was a useful buffer zone between British and Soviet ambitions, as well as being the territory in which the resistance to the Axis was the strongest. The relations between London and Moscow grew even more complicated when the two local resistance movements clashed over their opposing ideologies: nationalism versus communism. The foremost objective of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY) was to effect a violent change to the pre-war legal and political order of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia

Creating a Communist Yugoslavia in the Second World War

The Second World War involved the conflict of three different ideologies - democracy, fascism and communism - an aspect in which it was different from the Great War. This ideological triangle led to various shifts in the positions, views, and alliances of each of the warring parties. Yugoslavia with its historical legacy could not avoid being torn by similar ideological conflicts. During the Second World War a brutal and exceptionally complex war was fought on its soil. The most important question studied in this paper concerns the foremost objective of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) - to carry out a violent change of the legal order and form of government of the pre-war Kingdom of Yugoslavia

Obračun Titova režima s jugoslavenskim monarhističkim protukomunističkim snagama na kraju Drugog svjetskog rata

U tekstu se prikazuju događaji iz završnog razdoblja Drugog svjetskog rata u Jugoslaviji i neposrednog poraća, kada se novi komunistički režim obračunao i s jugoslavenskim monarhističkim protukomunističkim postrojbama i brojnim njima naklonjenim civilima koji su se pred napredovanjem partizana od jeseni 1944. okupili u Sloveniji i Austriji

Od "Ljeta" do "Oluje". Uvod u pad Republike Srpske Krajine 1995. godine

U tekstu se istražuju i objašnjavaju događaji koji su neposredno doveli do vojno-policijske operacije Hrvatske protiv Republike Srpske Krajine nazvane “Oluja”. Prvi tematski krug posvećen je operaciji “Ljeto 95” u jugozapadnoj Bosni i Hercegovini iz jula 1995. koja je dovela do zauzimanja teritorija koje je kontrolisala vojska bosanskih Srba (Bosansko Grahovo i Glamoč), čime je Knin bio direktno ugrožen. Drugi tematski krug posvećen je političkoj akciji hrvatskih vlasti da, pre svega u SAD-u, obezbede podršku za operaciju “Oluja”. Istražuju se i diplomatski napori za pronalaženjem mirnog rešenja. U tom kontekstu, opisuju se i pregovori dve strane vođeni u Ženevi, kao i poslednje pripreme hrvatskog državnog vrha uoči početka operacije. U završnom delu rada daje se pregled stavova najznačajnijih srpskih političara prema događajima koji su doveli do pada Republike Srpske Krajine

New Documents on the War in Vukovar in 1991

U tekstu se piše o početku ratnih operacija u Vukovaru i razlozima za napad Jugoslovenske narodne armije na grad. Analizira se postratna situacija u Vukovaru, problem zarobljenih i nestalih lica i događaji vezani za zločin na Ovčari. Naučna literatura, posebno u Hrvatskoj, o ovim događajima veoma je obimna. U ovom radu ona nije šire eksplicirana jer je akcenat stavljen na do sada retko korišćenu izvornu građu prvog reda. Ona je široj javnosti postala dostupna nakon što je uvrštena u sudske spise “Međunarodnog tribunala za krivično gonjenje lica odgovornih za teška kršenja međunarodnog humanitarnog prava na teritoriji bivše Jugoslavije posle 1991” (International Tribunal for the Prosecution of Persons Responsible for Serious Violations of International Humanitarian Law Committed in the Territory of the Former Yugoslavia since 1991). Dokumenta se nalaze na javnoj bazi Tribunala u Hagu.Fighting over Vukovar in autumn 1991 was the most devastating conflict of war in Croatia. Military leadership of the Yugoslav People\u27s Army (YNA) decided to conquer Vukovar at any cost, which triggered prolonged attacks on this city. Whereas for Serbian public opinion Vukovar became a symbol of determination to protect Croatian Serbs, the battle for this city became a rallying cry in the history of contemporary Croatian state, and even a focal point in formation of its modern national and cultural identity. In this battle, the Yugoslav Army used its superiority in firepower and control over airspace, systematically bombing and almost completely destroying the city. “The operation Vukovar” therefore became the biggest catastrophe in the military history of that army. It also presented a turning point of international public opinion in favour of Croatia, contributing significantly to launching of procedure for recognition of Croatian and Slovenian independence. The aftermath of the Vukovar siege was especially chilling. The downfall was followed by conflict of the military and new civilian authorities, contributing to poor administration over the ruined city and its apocalyptic landscape. Looting and lawlessness ensued, culminating in deportation of Croatian population and mass execution of Croatian prisoners. This horrendous chapter of the Yugoslav war left a deep and lasting scar in relations between Serbia and Croatia

Obračun Titova režima s jugoslavenskim monarhističkim protukomunističkim snagama na kraju Drugog svjetskog rata

U tekstu se prikazuju događaji iz završnog razdoblja Drugog svjetskog rata u Jugoslaviji i neposrednog poraća, kada se novi komunistički režim obračunao i s jugoslavenskim monarhističkim protukomunističkim postrojbama i brojnim njima naklonjenim civilima koji su se pred napredovanjem partizana od jeseni 1944. okupili u Sloveniji i Austriji

Royalist resistance movement in Yugoslavia during the Second World War

The nucleus of what later became royalist resistance force was a small group of officers and non-commissioned officers of the Yugoslav royal army who refused to surrender. Under the command of General Staff Colonel Dragoljub Mihailović these men retreated into the hills and started marching to the mountainous interior of Serbia where they hoped to find other parts of the Yugoslav army whom they would join and with whom they would continue the fight against the enemy. Mihailović and his men gathered at the plateau of Ravna Gora in Western Serbia on May 11, 1941. In the first days of creation of the resistance movement, Mihailović pointed out the need of secret organizing, civil disobedien­ce and harmfulness of early actions. Creation of a new military organization, called Yugoslav Army in the Homeland, was finished in June 1942. The new military organization was based on territorial principles, so to avoid reprisals, but in readiness for the final operations at the “appropriate time”. The Royalist movement was a traditional royalist and national Serb force. Despite the official Yugoslav label and the participation of some non–Serbs, the Royalists were essentially a Serb national force from the beginning. This does not mean that the Royalists were anti–Yugoslav as such, or that they did not want to restore Yugoslavia – albeit on their own terms – after the war. Rather, this meant that a Serb affair, such as the creation of a Serb territorial unit, was the first priority for the Royalist. During Second World War were three parallel conflicts in occupied Yugoslavia. First, a resistance struggles against the Axis, second, a communist–royalist civil war and third, a regional ethnoreligious conflict made possible by the wartime circumstances. The Yugoslav Army in the Homeland fought in all three: as the extension of the Yugoslav army in the resistance struggle, in the civil war as royalists, and in the ethnoreligious conflict as a Serb territorial force in areas with a mixed population. Once combined, these elements paint a picture of Mihailović’s wartime resistance movement as an anti–communist, royalist, Serb territorial military force in areas with a heterogeneous population, and an anti–communist royalist guerrilla in Serbia and Montenegro. In their policies towards Yugoslavia, each of the three Allied Powers had their short-term and long-term goals. The short-term goals were victory over the Axis powers. The long-term goals were related to the post-war order in Europe (and the world). The Allies were unanimous about the short-term goals but differed in respect to long-term goals. The relations between Great Britain and the Soviet Union were especially sensitive: both countries wanted to use a victory in the war as a means of increasing their political power and influence. Yugoslavia was a useful buffer zone between British and Soviet ambitions, as well as being the territory in which the resistance to the Axis was the strongest. This was the starting point of a long and complex process that led to the destruction of the social and political order of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the introduction of communist dictatorship at the end of the war. The Second World War caused both the making and the unmaking of the Yugoslav army in the Homeland. In the autumn of 1944 it was defeated in Serbia. The outcome of the civil war had been decided by the arrival of the Red Army. Mihailović withdrew with the majority of his forces to Bosnia in an unrealistic hope that the ideological conflict between the West and the Soviets might bring certain changes. Seeing himself as the saviour of the Serbian people, the defender of King and Homeland, Mihailović chose there to make a new effort to defeat the “Communist enemy” rather than be evacuated. This was the major miscalculation which would lead the Royalist movement to its final collapse. The decimated units, some 25,000 men, moved towards in last battleground in Bosnia. So, the Yugoslav Army in the Homeland, which had been the initiator of armed resistance against the occupying forces, ended up defeated, sharing the fate of their German foes that had been intent on destroying them during the war

Struktura i uloga vanćelijskih matriksnih molekula dentina

Dentin, ili zubna kost, je čvrsto avaskulatno tkivo koje izgrađuje najveći deo zuba i daje mu oblik. Stvara se kontinuirano tokom života. Prožimaju ga dentinski kanalići u kojima se nalaze produžeci odontoblasta. Po biohemijskom sastavu, dentin se bitno razlikuje od gleđi, jer sadrži znatno veći procenat vode (10%) i organskih materija (20%). Preostali deo (70%) pripada neorganskim materijalima, prvenstveno Ca2+ i fosfatima u obliku kristala hidroksiapatita. Od organskih materija dentin najviše sadrži strukturni protein kolagen (18%) i nekolagene proteine, kao što su: dentinski fosfoprotein (DFP), dentinski sijaloprotein (DSP), dentinski matriksni protein (DMP). Nekolageni proteini su fosforilisani proteini čija je uloga u mineralizaciji dentina tokom procesa razvoja ovog zubnog tkiva (dentinogeneza). Sintetišu se od strane odontoblasta, kao i kolagen. Pored ova tri najzastupljenija proteina, u dentinu su prisutni i drugi makromolekuli (proteoglikani, drugi glikoproteini, serumski proteini, enzimi i faktori rasta) koji stupaju u složene interakcije i utiču na kvalitativne promene u ovom tkivu

Smenjivanje Ivana Stambolića sa funkcije predsednika Predsedništva SR Srbije 1987.

Slobodan Milošević started a wide political campaign in the late fall of 1987 in order to politically eliminate Ivan Stambolić. Even after the Eighth Session Milošević wanted to send a clear message to all of his adversaries – he is the absolute leader of the Serbian communist party and the Serbian nation. To that end he evoked the necessity of the „unity of socialist forces“ in order for the Serbian society to quickly emerge from a political, economic and moral crisis. At the same time, he was creating an image of himself as a man of action that doesn’t hesitate and does not waste time making „useless“ conversations. Through a well-organized political action, Ivan Stambolić was removed from the most important state function in Serbia, and by doing so Milošević suffocated every opposition inside the Serbian communist party. As a leader, his offer was similar to Tito’s: egalitarianism, a simplified picture of the world and how it works, a new religion (belonging to a class was replaced by belonging to the nation), and – a vision of a common enemy. Dangerous channel was opened for collective venting of frustrations of the people. First among such enemies were „the forces defeated in the Eighth session“ and Serbian „bureaucrats and officials“, then Albanians and politicians from Vojvodina, then the Croats and Slovenians, and finally wider range of threats within and outside Yugoslavia

Komunizam i religija: istoriografsko-antropološki ogled

U tekstu se analiziraju religijske osnove marksističke/komunističke doktrine i stvaranje novog tipa religioznosti u društvima u kojima su komunisti izveli revoluciju. Komunistički ateizam, koji je u Jugoslaviji uspostavljen posle Drugog svetskog rata, tumači se kao sekularna religija koja je nametana kako bi se stvorio novi društveni poredak i potisnula stara religioznost