519 research outputs found
Solde budgĂ©taire et cycle Ă©lectoral au Canada et aux Ătats-Unis
La thĂšse de la manipulation des revenus et des dĂ©penses par les gouvernements Ă des fins Ă©lectorales a rencontrĂ© rĂ©cemment de nombreux contradicteurs. La prĂ©sente Ă©tude propose une rĂ©Ă©valuation des conclusions dâune recherche reprĂ©sentative de ce courant, celle de David Lowery portant sur les soldes budgĂ©taires aux Ătats-Unis. Elle prend le contrepied de la conclusion principale de cet auteur en dĂ©montrant lâexistence de ces manipulations au Canada et aux Ătats-Unis au cours des derniĂšres dĂ©cennies
Le point de vue du Barreau du Québec
Avec comme toile de fond l'histoire de notre systĂšme de droit civil basĂ© sur la tradition française, la rĂ©forme proposĂ©e des chapitres sur les obligations et contrats nommĂ©s, si elle comporte certaines innovations intĂ©ressantes, mĂ©rite beaucoup plus des critiques sĂ©vĂšres, tant sur sa philosophie que sur la forme utilisĂ©e. En effet, dans un texte lourd, diffus, complĂštement diffĂ©rent de celui avec lequel nous sommes familiers, le lĂ©gislateur propose de modifier radicalement le statut de loi fondamentale qu'a toujours eu le Code civil et, surtout, de l'imprĂ©gner, sans vraies justifications, d'un protectionnisme empruntĂ© Ă ce qui Ă©tait jusqu'Ă maintenant une loi particuliĂšre et qui concernait la protection du consommateur. DorĂ©navant, le lĂ©gislateur prĂ©sume d'inĂ©galitĂ©s dans les rapports entre les co-contractants et s'immisce, mĂȘme entre commerçants, pour attĂ©nuer la rigueur rĂ©elle ou prĂ©sumĂ©e de clauses dont auront pu convenir les parties. En rĂ©sumĂ©, tel qu'il est prĂ©sentĂ© actuellement, le projet de loi va beaucoup trop loin, risque de crĂ©er une confusion monumentale Ă cause de son nouveau vocabulaire et de son style radicalement diffĂ©rent et il doit donc ĂȘtre rĂ©visĂ© par le lĂ©gislateur.In the light of our civil law system and its roots in the French tradition, while proposed reforms to chapters on obligations and nominate contracts contain various interesting innovations, they nonetheless deserve far more criticism both with regard to underlying philosophy and form. Indeed, in a style that is heavy, inflated and totally different from the one with which we are familiar, the legislator proposes radical modifications to the basic law which the Civil Code has always been, and to endow it without genuine justification with protectionism taken from what was until now statutory provisions dealing with consumer protection. Henceforth, the legislator presumes inequalities between co-contractors and goes so far as to step in between merchants to attenuate the real or presumed rigours of clauses that the parties have negotiated. In all, in its present form the bill goes way too far, runs the risk of causing great confusion owing to its new vocabulary and radically different style and should be revised by the legislator
Blood Conservation in Total Hip Arthroplasty: Interim Analysis of the Tranexamic Acid Comparison in Hip Replacement (TeACH-R) Trial
Intravenous tranexamic acid (TEA) is used in total hip arthroplasty (THA) to reduce blood loss. Concern of increased thromboembolic risk has prompted the search for treatment alternatives. The Tranexamic Acid Comparison in Hip Replacement (TeACH-R) trial is a prospective randomized controlled trial comparing the efficacy of intravenous and topical TEA in reducing perioperative blood loss. For interim data analysis, 52 of the planned 144 participants had completed the initial phase of the TeACH-R trial. No significant differences were identified between the intravenous and topical TEA treatment arms for delta-hemoglobin (ÎHgb; 34.81±13.78 vs. 35.65±15.54 mg/dL; p=0.840), calculated blood loss (1548±509 vs. 1521±693 mL; p=0.873), or length of stay (55.0±11.44 vs. 54.5±20.1 hours; p=0.912). No participant required a blood transfusion or had a thromboembolic event postoperatively. Promising initial results support the use of topical TEA in THA, although therapeutic decisions should be made only once all data has been analyzed
Lâeffondrement du parti progressiste-conservateur Ă lâĂ©lection de 1993
La prĂ©sente Ă©tude applique un modĂšle de vote permettant de mieux comprendre lâeffondrement du Parti progressiste-conservateur Ă lâĂ©lection fĂ©dĂ©rale de 1993. Ce modĂšle repose sur lâidĂ©e selon laquelle les Conservateurs, compte tenu des positionnements idĂ©ologiques des divers partis fĂ©dĂ©raux sur deux « super enjeux », lâĂ©conomie et le statut du QuĂ©bec, ont Ă©tĂ© incapables de protĂ©ger une base minimale dâappuis qui leur aurait permis, Ă tout le moins, de « sauver les meubles » dans cette Ă©lection. Notre approche multivariĂ©e a tenu compte des enjeux Ă©conomiques, des choix constitutionnels ainsi que des Ă©valuations relatives aux partis et aux chefs. Notre analyse a mis en Ă©vidence une offre de politiques et une structure de prĂ©fĂ©rences qui se sont avĂ©rĂ©es nettement dĂ©savantageuses pour le P.C. Lâeffet combinĂ© de ce phĂ©nomĂšne et de la profonde insatisfaction Ă lâendroit de la performance du gouvernement contribue Ă expliquer lâeffondrement des Conservateurs Ă lâĂ©lection de 1993.This study seeks to explain the collapse of the Progressive-Conservative Party of Canada in the federal election of 1993 with the help of a simple model of voting behavior. The model is based on the notion that, because of the positioning of the various parties on two "super issues"âthe government's role in the economy and the status of Quebec in Canadaâthe Conservatives were unable to protect the minimal bases of support that would have allowed them to maintain a viable presence in the House of Commons. Our multivariate analysis accounts for economic and constitutional issues, and controls for the evaluation of leaders and parties. We observe that the Tories were squeezed out of the electoral contest by the structure of preferences on the most salient issues of the campaign in Quebec and elsewhere in Canada. This and the profound dissatisfaction toward the government explains the unprecedented collapse of the Conservatives in the 1993 electio
The UK and Canada: democratic legitimacy could matter more than geographic representation in the upper chamber
Upper chambers have the potential to represent different geographic groups within a multinational state, and so accommodate minority identities. However, research by Mike Medeiros, Damien Bol and Richard Nadeau indicates that, though there is support for democratic reform of the House of Lords and Senate in Scotland and Quebec respectively, there is, in fact, greater support for central democratic reform than for subnational representation
The Persistence of the Asset Effect during French Presidential Elections
In a seminal and innovative book, Jacques Capdevielle and his colleagues suggested some thirty years ago the existence of an âasset effectâ to help explain electoral behavior in France. Despite the significance of this finding, the issue has received little subsequent attention. The measurement of wealth has been given less and less space in French election surveys, particularly during the 2007 presidential elections. We show in this paper that the âasset effectâ is still relevant today for explaining voting behavior in France. By proposing a general model based on the idea of risk aversion, we show to what extent risky assets are a powerful predictor of right-wing voting in France over the 1988-2007 period. This finding demonstrates the value of reviving this innovative concept from French political science
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