RELIGION AND THE POLITICS OF NATIONALIST THOUGHT: COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF HINDU NATIONALISM IN INDIA AND MUSLIM NATIONALISM IN INDONESIA

The rise of religious nationalism in recent decades in developing countries has sparked attention among scholars. This article seeks to explore the political and cultural dynamics of the contemporary resurgence of religious nationalism, many of them reflected in Hindu nationalist in India and Muslim nationalist in Indonesia. We address the following question: What are the likely factors for religious-nationalist movements coming to the center stage of nation-state politics? Using the historical-institutional approach to religious politics, we argue that the forces that have driven the resurgence of religious nationalist were the interaction between the institutional design of the nation-state and the considerable opportunities for change – in a certain period of political crisis. Embedded in the issues of the institutional challenge is another series of questions that this article will address. There are variations in how and when religious-nationalist politics emerged. Why, for example, did the rise of religious politics occur in such varying ways, for instance, through a political party in India and civil society movements in Indonesia? Why did regimes or governments that promoted secular ideologies in India and Indonesia lose their hegemonic position? The answers to these questions are also largely historical-institutional. By focusing on how political institutions shape political dynamics, we suggest that institutions shape social and political outcomes, they necessarily affect people’s behavior as reflected in the politics of religious nationalism

Lineages of Islamic Extremism in Egypt: Ikhwan al-Muslimun, State Violence and the Origins of Radical Politics

This article examines why an Islamic organization appeal into radical behavior? Focusing on Ikhwan al-Muslimun (IM) and its splinter groups in Egypt, this article seeks to highlight historical-institutional underpinnings of when and how political Islam faced obstacles to enter pragmatic politics. Political experiences of the IM in the 1950s and the institutional structures created by Nasser’s regime in the early 1960s have shaped a condition of uncertainty that constrained Islamist activists to twart moderation. Islamist thinkers such as Sayyid Qutb exploited the fear of Nasserism and new emerging state institutions, to convince many members that they were threatened by the current regime. Initiatives to embrace radical ideology and actions have become dominant frameworks in the IM. The extent to which this radical ideology may develop is not only because of these institutional constraints, but also because of the absence of pragmatic-minded leaders who appealed with non-violence ideas to integrate Islamic agenda in institutional opportunities. [Tulisan ini membahas organisasi Islam yang cenderung menjadi radikal, studi kasus Ikhwan al-Muslimun (IM) dan pecahannya di Mesir, dengan mengulas secara organisasional historis disaat Islam politik tersebut mendapat rintangan ketika memasuki politik praktis. Pengalaman politik IM tahun 1950an dan 1960an saat dibawah rezim Nasser telah membawa ketidakpastian dan yang menyebabkan para aktifis menjauhi sikap moderat. Seorang Sayyid Qutb pun mengangkat ketakutan pada kekuasaan rezim Nasser untuk meyakinkan massa pada sebuah ancaman baru. Cara berpikir dan bertindak radikal telah menjadi pilihan yang dominan bagi anggota IM. Kesuburan paham radikal tersebut dimungkinkan karena tidak hanya adanya tekanan organisasional, tetapi juga tiadanya tokoh politik yang mendorong pendekatan non kekerasan dalam integrasikan agenda politik dengan peluang organisasioanal.

‘NOT A RELIGIOUS STATE’ A study of three Indonesian religious leaders on the relation of state and religion

This article explores the concept of a ‘secular state’ offered by three Indonesian religious leaders: a Catholic priest, Nicolaus Driyarkara (1913–1967), and two Muslim intellectuals who were also state officials, Mukti Ali (1923–2004) and Munawir Sjadzali (1925–2004). All three, who represented the immediate generation after the revolution for Indonesian independence from the Dutch (1945), defended the legitimacy of a secular state for Indonesia based on the state ideology Pancasila (Five Principles of Indonesia). In doing so, they argued that a religious state, for example an Islamic state, is incompatible with a plural nation that has diverse cultures, faiths, and ethnicities. The three also argued that the state should remain neutral about its citizens’ faith and should not be dominated by a single religion, i.e. Islam. Instead, the state is obliged to protect all religions embraced by Indonesians. This argument becomes a vital foundation in the establishment of Indonesia’s trajectory of unique ‘secularisation’. Whilst these three intellectuals opposed the idea of establishing a religious or Islamic state in Indonesia, it was not because they envisioned the decline of the role of religion in politics and the public domain but rather that they regarded religiosity in Indonesia as vital in nation building within a multi-religious society. In particular, the two Muslim leaders used religious legitimacy to sustain the New Order’s political stability, and harnessed state authority to modernise the Indonesian Islamic community

Imperialism and the Rhetoric of the Threat: Islamic Fundamentalism in Western Scholarship

The way in which Western scholars understand the nature of religion and the relationship of religion to politics and society greatly determine their expectations and judgements

Different routes to Islamism: history, institutions and the politics of Islamic state in Egypt and Indonesia

This dissertation examines patterns of Islamist political mobilization in Egypt and Indonesia. It focuses on the development of major political organizations formed in both countries whose primary goal is the establishment of Islamic state. By focusing on these organizations, this dissertation seeks to explain an analytical puzzle: why Egyptian and Indonesian Islamist movements develop along divergent patterns of mobilization?While the traditional focus of the literature is on Islam's cultural tenets and the structure of Muslim society, I argue that the most fundamental factors that have driven the variation in Islamist mobilization were the historical formation of particular types of organizations along with how the outcomes of this period developed over time. Different institutional settings in Egypt and Indonesia prior to the formation of modern political organizations intent on the creation of an Islamic state transformed similar Islamic ideology into different patterns of organizational constructs and programs for mobilization. This formative moment is of paramount importance because it had long-term political consequences. Based on this institutional framework, this dissertation identifies a typology of Islamist historical formation centered on the distinction between the "purist" Islamist movement in Egypt and "pragmatic-reform" oriented Islamist organizations in Indonesia.This dissertation also examines the relationship between institutional settings and Islamist politics over time. I analyze the history and institutional designs of the state as conditions that both constrained and yet enabled the interests and goals of leaders in Islamist movements. Periodization— defined broadly as the historical sequences of state formation — serves as an analytical framework with which to capture critical moments and actions of the competing groups, especially between Islamist actors and the state elite in response to a particular set of changes, over a defined period of time. By tracing these various paths of Islamist political responses and initiatives through the subsequent changes of state-Islamist relations, this dissertation seeks to offer a more nuanced, historically grounded, but analytically persuasive explanation of the alternative routes toward an Islamic state, in terms of organizational formation, political mobilization and transformation.Using an historical institutional theoretical framework to interrogate my findings, it is hoped that this dissertation will contribute to a larger debate in political science on Islam and politics, state building, and the historical process of conflict-resolution between the state regimes and Islamist political forces.Ce mémoire est consacré d'examiner des modèles de la mobilisation politique islamiste en Égypte et en Indonésie. Elle se concentre sur le développement des organisations politiques importantes formées dans les deux pays dont le but primaire est l'établissement de l'état islamique. En se concentrant sur ces organisations, cette thèse cherche à expliquer une énigme analytique : pourquoi les mouvements islamistes égyptiens et indonésiens se développent-ils selon les modèles divergents de la mobilisation? Tandis que l'objectif traditionnel de la littérature est sur les principes culturels et la structure de la société musulmane, je soutiens que les facteurs les plus fondamentaux qui ont conduit la variation de la mobilisation islamiste étaient la formation historique des types particuliers d'organisations avec la façon dont les résultats de cette période se sont développés avec le temps. Les différents cadres institutionnels en Égypte et en Indonésie avant la formation des organisations politiques modernes attentifs sur la création d'un état islamique ont transformé l'idéologie islamique semblable en différents modèles des constructions et des programmes d'organisation pour la mobilisation. Ce moment formateur est d'importance primordiale parce qu'il a eu des conséquences politiques à long terme. Basé sur ce cadre institutionnel, ce mémoire identifie une typologie de la formation historique islamiste portée sur la distinction entre le mouvement islamiste « puriste » en Égypte et « reforme- pragmatique » les organisations islamistes orientés en Indonésie.Ce mémoire examine également le rapport entre les cadres institutionnels et la politique islamiste avec le temps. J'analyse l'histoire et les conceptions institutionnelles de l'état comme conditions que tous les deux ont contraint mais ont permis les intérêts et les buts des chefs dans les mouvements islamistes. Périodisation- définie largement comme ordres historiques de formation d'état - servir comme un outil analytique avec lequel on peut capturer des moments et des actions critiques des groupes de concurrence, particulièrement entre les acteurs islamistes et l'élite d'état en réponse à les changements particulières, sur une période définie. En traçant ces divers chemins des réponses politiques islamistes et des initiatives par les changements suivants des relations d'état Islamiste, ce mémoire cherche à offrir une explication plus diversifiée, historiquement plus au sol, mais analytiquement persuasive des itinéraires alternatifs vers un état islamique, en termes de formation d'organisation, mobilisation politique et transformation. Utilisant un cadre institutionnel historique pour interroger mes conclusions, on 'espère que ce mémoire contribuera à un plus grand débat en sciences politiques sur l'Islam et la politique, l'établissement d'état, et le processus historique de l'être en conflit- résolution entre les régimes d'état et les forces politiques islamistes

The Khittah of 1926 Reexamined: Views of the NU in Post-Cipasung Congress

When established in 1926 in Surabaya, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) is meant as an organization of scholars engaged in the field of socio-religious. Concentration struggles and activities of the organization was shaped in the development of the Indonesian Muslim community in the socio-cultural field such as education, teaching, health care, and economic development of the people. In this framework, then, the scholars and leaders of this organization to formulate a vision NU known as Khittah 1926. After a long period gait for NU deviate from Khittah as outlined, to enter the world of practical politics - join Masjumi, became NU party, the PPP fuse - at Muktamarnya 27th in Situbondo, 1984, KH duet. And KH Abdurrahman Wahid. Ahmad Siddiq managed to bring NU back to Khittah 1926. Decision was meant to remove themselves from the bondage of practical politics and prioritize the development of the Indonesian Muslim community culturally.DOI: 10.15408/sdi.v3i2.80

Mutiara terpendam: Perempuan dalam literatur Islam klasik/ Editor: Ali Munhanif

xlii, 263 hal. : 20 cm