An evaluation of Malaysia’s political leadership in Malaysia-US relations in the post 9/11 era

The 9/11 attacks perpetrated against the United States has impacted Malaysia-US relations in a significant way. Despite the murmurs of disapproval and condemnation from the international community that characterised the controversial US invasion of Iraq in 2003, Malaysia-US relations have grown from strength to strength. It is suggested that Malaysia’s political leadership is one of the contributing factors that has shaped the growing bilateral relationship. Hence, the purpose of this paper is to examine the role played by Malaysia’s political establishment in nurturing the progressive relations between the two countries. Certainly, both Malaysia and the US exist in a dynamic global world that is constantly shaped by events that take place within their surrounding environment

Dasar luar Malaysia era Dato’ Seri Mohd Najib Tun Razak: Keutamaan dalam aspek hubungan dua hala

Dasar luar Malaysia secara umumnya merupakan lanjutan daripada dasar dalam negeri. Dasar ini dibentuk untuk memelihara dan mempertahankan kepentingan politik, keselamatan dan ekonomi serta kepentingan utama yang lain. Ia dilihat tidak statik dan berkembang dengan mengambil kira perubahan kepimpinan serta keadaan politik dan ekonomi global yang sentiasa berubah. Kertas kerja ini akan melihat sejauhmanakah dasar luar Najib boleh menjamin kepentingan-kepentingan di atas terpelihara dan dipertahankan. Di samping itu, kertas kerja ini juga akan mengkaji sejauhmana diplomasi dua hala (hubungan dua hala) lebih signifikan berbanding dengan diplomasi pelbagai hala dalam era Najib. Diplomasi dua hala dikatakan menjadi keutamaan dalam dasar luar Malaysia dalam era Najib. Diplomasi dua hala dikatakan lebih efektif dan telus kerana hanya dua Negara yang terlibat dalam membincangkan isu-isu yang ada kena mengena di antara kedua-duanya. Di samping itu, ia dikatakan lebih efektif kerana kurangnya kerenah atau halangan yang boleh membantutkan usaha-usaha ke arah persepakatan dan kerjasama antara dua buah Negara yang terlibat

Malaysia's Active Role in the United Nations Security Council

Purpose: The UNSC non-permanent member plays a vital role in promoting peace and security in current international affairs together with the other five permanent members. Besides the five veto powers, most of the UN members are wishing to be elected as UNSC non-permanent members. Fortunately, Malaysia has been a non-permanent member of the UNSC on four (4) occasions since it acceded to the United Nations in 1957 (1965-1966, 1989-1990, 1999-2000, and 2015-2016). Thus, this study examines Malaysia’s active role in several outstanding UNSC issues. As for affirming its commitment to remain dedicated to resolving international conflict by peaceful means, protecting the world community by the rule of law, and practicing moderation.   Methodology: This study is qualitative research that uses both primary and secondary data gathered from various resources. First, primary data was gathered from various official institutions, including the official website of the UN, the UNSC, and the Malaysian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In addition, this study conducted interviews with several experts in the field. Meanwhile, secondary data was gathered from a variety of sources, including books, magazines, reports, local and international newspapers, and internet documents.   Findings: Malaysia's active and committed role in ensuring global peace and security has prompted it to apply for a non-permanent seat in the UNSC. As a non-permanent member of the UNSC, Malaysia receives the recognition and honours of serving the global community. Malaysia can therefore solve international concerns brought up at the UNSC given its significant experience working with different member nations. In doing so, Malaysia supports initiatives to uphold peace and security and works to settle differences constructively.   Research Implications: The study makes a substantial contribution to the body of knowledge, particularly regarding Malaysia's active participation as a non-permanent member of the UNSC. Consequently, this study had a favourable influence on many facets of the community. This study is specifically able to assist the Malaysian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and government agencies in dealing with international actors as well as enhancing world peace and cooperation. Meanwhile, in general, this study can boost further research for the academicians related to Malaysia’s significant position in the UN as to help halt international conflicts. Furthermore, this study supports the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG), which emphasize a significant reduction in all types of conflict and encourage communities and governments to work together to end disputes and insecurity.&nbsp

Kolonialisme di Tanah Melayu: Pembentukan masyarakat majmuk

Malaysia pada hari ini adalah sebuah negara yang terdiri daripada masyarakat pelbagai bangsa yang hidup dalam suasana harmonis dan aman damai. Ini adalah hasil daripada sikap tolak ansur dan kerjasama antara kaum yang wujud semenjak British memberi kemerdekaan kepada Tanah Melayu sehingga ke hari ini. Pada dasarnya, orang Melayu, Cina dan India adalah tiga kumpulan bangsa utama di Malaysia diikuti dengan beberapa kumpulan kaum minoriti yang lain antaranya Orang Asli, Serani dan Benggali. Sejarah membuktikan masyarakat Melayu telah lama mempunyai hubungan dengan kaum Cina dan India sejak zaman Kesultanan Melayu Melaka. Pada masa itu Melaka adalah pusat perdagangan utama serta jalan perhubungan antara negeri China dan India di Asia Tenggara (Chowdhury, 1997). Keadaan ini membolehkan masyarakat Melayu di Melaka berinteraksi dengan berbagai masyarakat antarabangsa yang datang bagi melakukan aktiviti perdagangan. Perhubungan antara kaum ini menjadi semakin ketara di zaman penjajahan Inggeris. Penjajah Inggeris memindahkan imigran-imigran luar terutamanya dari negara China dan India untuk bekerja di Tanah Melayu. Kemasukan buruh asing tersebut adalah satu agenda ekonomi Inggeris bagi mengusahakan lombong-lombong bijih timah dan ladang-ladang getah. Keadaan ini dapatlah disifatkan sebagai pengeksploitasian yang dilakukan oleh penjajah Inggeris terhadap tenaga buruh asing serta sumber bumi di Tanah Melayu demi keuntungan revolusi perindustrian Eropah. Selain daripada kemasukan masyarakat Cina dan India, turut berlaku penghijrahan penduduk Indonesia ke Tanah Melayu. Situasi ini mengubah corak populasi di Tanah Melayu daripada sebuah negara yang didiami oleh masyarakat Melayu kepada pembentukan masyarakat majmuk di Malaysia. Bagi memahami persoalan ini dengan lebih lanjut, penulisan ini akan membicarakan berkenaan beberapa aspek seperti kefahaman terhadap masyarakat majmuk, proses terbentuknya masyarakat majmuk di Malaysia kesan perpindahan masyarakat dari luar

Federal constitution: Special protection for Sabah and Sarawak

The establishment of Malaysia in 16 September 1963 were replaced the Federation of Malaya (1948 - 1963). Therefore, two states in Borneo Island i.e: Sabah and Sarawak willingly joined Malaysia. There was strong reason why North Borneo and Sarawak involved in the formation of Malaysia. Security, communist threats, decolonization and United Nations Resolution 1514 (1960) are the main reason of it. In 1962, North Borneo and Sarawak legislative council agreed to the formation of Malaysia on condition that state rights were safeguarded. Special protections for the new state and its people were an important agenda promised during the formation of Malaysia. As a result, Constitution of Malaysia includes special safeguards to protect Sabahan and Sarawakian interests. In general, it is known as 20-Points Agreements. In fact, it is 20-Points Agreements for Sabah and 18-Points Memorandum for Sarawak. The 20-Points Agreements are about special rights of Sabah and Sarawak that should be respected by all Malaysian citizens. The agreement is a list of 18 and 20 points drawn up by North Borneo and Sarawak proposing terms for its incorporation into the new federation during negotiations prior to the formation of Malaysia. Here, listed the 20-Points Agreement; i.e: Point 1: Religion, Point 2: Language, Point 3: Constitution, Point 4: Head of Federation, Point 5: Name of Federation, Point 6: Immigration, Point 7: Right of Secession, Point 8: Borneanisation, Point 9: British Officers, Point 10: Citizenship, Point 11: Tariffs and Finance, Point 12: Special Position of Indigenous Races, Point 13: State Government, Point 14: Transitional Period, Point 15: Education, Point 16: Constitutional Safeguards, Point 17: Representation in Federal Parliament, Point 18: Name of Head of State, Point 19: Name of State, Point 20: Land, Forests, Local Government. Thus, this paper will be discussed the 18 and 20 points agreement constructively

Malaysia-Singapore relations under Mohd Najib Tun Razak

Malaysia and Singapore enjoy and share a special relationship due to their geographical, historical, familial, cultural, political, economic and strategic features. Their relationship is characterized by interdependence.The competitive world has brought about a close neighborly cooperation between the two nations to build resilience and strength.This article will examine the state of bilateral relations between these two countries under Malaysia's Prime Minister Mohd. Najib, and will analyze the future prospect of Malaysia and Singapore under his era.Under his era, Malaysia has been embarking on a series of initiatives in improving her relationship with Singapore, leaving tensions that took place during Mahathir era. Looking at the history of relations between the two countries, the role of leadership has played important role in the up and down of relationship.Under new generation of leaders in these two countries, we expect that they have new visions and put more efforts to nurture good relations. Personal contacts involving leaders and government officials of both countries still become the bases of relations between these two closed neighbors.The understanding reached by the leaders of the two countries has been and remain the fundamental to preserving long term mutual benefits.Leaders of both countries can play significant roles in overcoming conflicts and finding solutions to the problems that besieged the relations between the two countries.If both countries could maintain the momentum and capitalize the benefits of these initiatives, we foresee that both countries will not enter into troubled relationships like the previous periods, but it augurs well for strengthened relationships in the future

The practice of deliberative democracy in the Temerloh Parliamentary Consultative Council (TPCC), Malaysia

This study attempts to analyse a shift in decision-making approach for Malaysia’s local government. Since the 12th general election in 2008, people participation in decision-making process has become very important in order for the government to produce a people friendly public policy. Therefore, this study takes the opportunity to study a model of deliberative democracy which has been introduced through the Temerloh Parliamentary Consultative Council (TPCC) by Deputy Minister in the Ministry of Higher Education, Saifuddin Abdullah. Model that has been introduced by Saifuddin is one of its kinds which has never been practiced before in Malaysia as an agenda for effective governance. The intention of this study is to analyse the effectiveness of the TPCC Model whether it can be the best model for public deliberation in Malaysia

Effects of Organized Hypocrisy Strategy on the Establishment of Political Relation of Rama I and Emperor Qianlong

The paper deploys and develops the organized hypocrisy theory to account for the effect of organized hypocrisy strategy on the establishment of the political relation between Rama I and Emperor Qianlong from 1782 to 1787. Using the case study of Rama, I and Emperor Qianlong and a historical analysis, the paper shows that the logic of consequences of Rama I seek China’s economic and military leads to Sino-Thai conflicting logics of appropriateness. Thailand uses the organized hypocrisy strategy to respond to this situation with two mutually negative versions of royal letters and transliterated terms. The key decoupling mechanism of the strategy is that the Thailand monarch conducts diplomatic interactions that maintain his status, while the Chinese in Thailand act as intermediaries to handle interactions that damage Thailand Monarch’s prestige. Organized hypocrisy strategy allows Thailand to maintain Rama I’s claim of universal kingship and meet the demand of Emperor Qianlong investing Rama I at the same time. Rama I and Emperor Qianlong formed a nominal tributary relationship on this premise. Thailand's organized hypocrisy strategy is largely the political hypocrisy of a small country dealing with a big one. Emperor Qianlong practicing the doctrine of ‘no rule’ and not sending envoys for investiture makes the hypocrisy strategy play a positive role. This study informs our theoretical understanding of Sino-Thai friendly official relations by introducing a focus on the organized hypocrisy strategy hitherto lacking. &nbsp

Hubungan Malaysia-Singapura era Mahathir

Buku ini membincangkan pendekatan dasar luar Kerajaan Malaysia dalam menangani dan mengurus isu-isu hubungan dua hala Malaysia Singapura. Hasil dapatan kajian yang diperolehi menunjukan bahawa Malaysia lebih menekankan pendekatan yang berbentuk diplomasi dalam menyelesaikan isu-isu yang berlaku dengan Singapura.Berbeza dengan Singapura di mana mereka lebih mementingkan penggunaan undang-undang antarabangsa. Secara umumnya, buku ini menyentuh tentang isu-isu yang berlaku dalam hubungan dua hala Malaysia-Singapura dan mengkaji bagaimana pendekatan yang telah diambil oleh kedua-dua negara dalam menyelesaikan isu-isu yang timbul

An analysis of some underlying factors that affected Malaysia-Singapore relations during the Mahathir era

This research is an analysis of the underlying factors that influenced Malaysia-Singapore relations during the watershed period of Mahathir Mohamad as the Prime Minister of Malaysia (1981-2003). The study proposes that the bilateral tensions between Malaysia and Singapore were, to a large extent, affected by such things as the burden of historical baggage from their acrimonious parting in 1965, after a short period of unification; the differences between them in their perceptions and approaches in handling bilateral relations; and their political cultures and the leadership styles of their prime ministers, but for the purposes of the present study, specifically those of Mahathir and Lee Kuan Yew. Despite the strong underlying differences, the study argues, the two states have existed in a condition of interdependency in the post-1965 period. They have had to find ways in which to suppress the culturally- and historically-conditioned tensions in order to ensure their respective states’ economic growth and political and social development. As a result, we have the curious situation in which both Malaysia and Singapore have found ways of maintaining engagement. In doing so, they have avoided raising tensions to the point of conflict, and, indeed, been able to build bridges through consistent, and determined, application to their bilateral affairs. The study provides some explanations as why this should be the case