193 research outputs found

    Gjeopolitika e Shqipërisë – mundësia e kyçjes së Republikës së Kosovës në gazsjellësin – TAP

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    Në Ballkan, Evropë dhe botë zhvillohen beteja të ashpra për atë se kush do t’i kontrollojë tubacionet gazpërçuese, gjë e cila nuk nënkupton vetëm favore financiare, por edhe pozicione të fuqishme gjeopolitike. Pas dështimit të dy projekteve të mëdha gazpërçuese për Ballkanin – projekti “Rrjedha Jugore” (South Stream) dhe “NABUCCO”, definitivisht fitoi projekti TAP (Trans-Adriatic Pipelines), projekti më i madh në Ballkan, në 100 vitet e fundit, i cili Shqipërinë do ta shndërrojë në arterie të rëndësishme energjetike të Evropës. Kjo dukshëm do të ndikojë në dinamizimin e zhvillimit ekonomik të Shqipërisë, i cili nga ky gazsjellës do të përfitojë mbi 15 mijë punësime të reja në pesë vitet e ardhshme dhe mbi një miliard euro do të fitojë nga taksa e tranzitimit në 20 vitet në vijim. Tani për tani projekti TAP parasheh dy krahë të vetat: Krahu, i cili lidhet në tubin kryesor të gazsjellësit TAP në Greqi, vazhdon për në Bullgari (180 kilometra i gjatë) dhe i cili parashihet të vazhdojë përmes Rumanisë dhe Hungarisë në drejtim të Evropës Qendrore. Krahu tjetër, i ashtuquajturi-IAP (Ionian-Adriatic Pipelines), pra Gazsjellësi Adriatik–Jon, do të furnizonte Malin e Zi, Bosnjën e Hercegovinën dhe Kroacinë, kurse një shtesë e këtij krahu do të kalonte përmes Maqedonisë dhe Kosovës. Pa dilemë se ky projekt do të jetë tejet i rëndësishëm jo vetëm për zhvillimin e rajonit, por edhe për stabilizimin dhe integrimin e tij

    Western Balkans and the Internal Integration Processes

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    With the European flag, Germany is making great efforts to effect the Western Balkans\u27 internal integration, but obviously the resistance from the countries of the region is very strong. Finally, the Americans are preparing to convince Western Balkan leaders, with the "stick and carrot", that their mutual integration in the region is not only beneficial for regional economic development but also for preserving world peace. Creating an economic or customs union would have multiple positive effects. The goal is to open a market of about twenty million people, which would vividly revive industry, commerce, agriculture, livestock, tourism, and so on. It would also greatly increase foreign investment. Above all, nations will have to come together in order to boost the region\u27s economic development, as well as regional peace and stability. Given the real conditions in the region, which are specific by their nature, the key questions arise - to what extent is this possible, what are the means and ways of achieving this, and in what dynamics is it likely to occur? To be able to give an appropriate answer to this complexity, we have primarily used the comparative analysis method, but also the method of critical review by several authors

    Western Balkans and the Internal Integration Processes

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    With the European flag, Germany is making great efforts to effect the Western Balkans\u27 internal integration, but obviously the resistance from the countries of the region is very strong. Finally, the Americans are preparing to convince Western Balkan leaders, with the "stick and carrot", that their mutual integration in the region is not only beneficial for regional economic development but also for preserving world peace. Creating an economic or customs union would have multiple positive effects. The goal is to open a market of about twenty million people, which would vividly revive industry, commerce, agriculture, livestock, tourism, and so on. It would also greatly increase foreign investment. Above all, nations will have to come together in order to boost the region\u27s economic development, as well as regional peace and stability. Given the real conditions in the region, which are specific by their nature, the key questions arise - to what extent is this possible, what are the means and ways of achieving this, and in what dynamics is it likely to occur? To be able to give an appropriate answer to this complexity, we have primarily used the comparative analysis method, but also the method of critical review by several authors

    On Aharon Barak\u27s Activist Image

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    This article was presented at the 2011 Symposium Honoring the Hon. Aharon Barak

    “I was… Until… Since then…”: Exploring the Mechanisms of Selection in a Tragic Narrative

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    This paper presents a reading of Amos’s life story that follows an interpretive model based on mechanisms of narrative selection (Spector-Mersel, 2011). Drawing on the notion of the narrative paradigm, this model is derived from narrative epistemology, and specifically from a conceptualization of how identities are claimed through stories. The narrative production is conceived of as consisting of six mechanisms of selection, through which biographical facts are sorted, with the purpose of confirming an end point. Accordingly, the analysis seeks to identify the expressions of these mechanisms in the story, as a means to recognize the identity being claimed. The examination of the mechanisms of selection displayed in both the content and the form of Amos’s story reveals a split end point, which divides Amos’s life into “before” and “after” the stroke. The “I was” part strictly corresponds with the cultural ideal of a Sabra-Kibbutz member, depicting Amos’s prior self as a “culturally appropriate” and highly significant figure in his collective. In contrast, the “since then” part, which portrays the past 15 years since the stroke as an extended present, conveys his being “outside” of both the culture and the collective. Considering Amos’s story a clear instance of a tragic narrative, some insights are offered that can shed light on possible manifestations of this story genre

    The effect of stevia, emulsifier and milk powder on melting rate, hardness and overrun of ice cream formulations during storage

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    U okviru ovog istraživanja proizvedene su četiri različite vrste sladoleda upotrebom stevije (S), mlijeka u prahu (PP), emulgatora (PS) i punomansog (UHT) mlijeka. Svim uzrocima su određivani fizikalna, kemijska i senzorska svojstva. pH vrijednosti sladoleda kretale su se između 5,82 i 6,62, a čvrstoća od 3,40 do 598,61 N. Najviši stupanj prihvata zraka u sladolednu smjesu (29,27%) pokazao je sladoled oznake PP tijekom prvog tjedna skladištenja. Zamjena saharoze prahom stevije uzrokovao je značajan porast čvrstoće sladoleda.Four types of ice creams were manufactured using stevia (S), milk powder (PP), emulsifier (PS) and UHT whole milk (C), and were investigated for physical, chemical and sensory characteristics. The pH values of ice cream samples ranged from 5.82 to 6.62. The hardness values from textural analyses was around 3.40 and 598.61 N. The highest overrun ratio (29.27 %) was found in PP ice cream during the first week of storage. The substitution of sucrose by stevia powder led to a significant elevation of the hardness of ice cream

    Geopolitics of Albania – possibility of involving Republic of Kosovo in the pipeline – TAP 

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    In the Balkans, European countries and the rest of the world fought fierce battles over who will control the gas pipelines, which means not only financial benefits but also powerful geopolitical positions of the countries. After the failure of two major Balkan gas pipelines – the project “South Stream” and “Nabucco”, the project TAP (Trans-Adriatic Pipelines) definitely won the battle, becoming the largest gas project in the Balkans in the last 100 years. This project will turn Albania into a very important energy artery in Europe. This will significantly affect the dynamics of the economic development of Albania, creating over 15 thousand new jobs with the pipeline in the next five years and over a billion euros will be gained from tax transition in the next 20 years. TAP Project is currently predicted to have two branches of its own. The first one is the branch tube which will be connected to the main TAP pipeline in Greece and will continue through Bulgaria (180 kilometers long), and is also expected to continue through Romania and Hungary towards Central Europe. The other branch, the so-called – IAP (Ionian-Adriatic Pipeline), will supply Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia, while an additional branch of it will pass through Macedonia and Kosovo. There is no dilemma that this project will be very important not only for the development of the region, but also for its stabilization and integration

    Western Balkans and the Internal Integration Processes

    Get PDF
    With the European flag, Germany is making great efforts to effect the Western Balkans’ internal integration, but obviously the resistance from the countries of the region is very strong. Finally, the Americans are preparing to convince Western Balkan leaders, with the “stick and carrot”, that their mutual integration in the region is not only beneficial for regional economic development but also for preserving world peace. Creating an economic or customs union would have multiple positive effects. The goal is to open a market of about twenty million people, which would vividly revive industry, commerce, agriculture, livestock, tourism, and so on. It would also greatly increase foreign investment. Above all, nations will have to come together in order to boost the region’s economic development, as well as regional peace and stability. Given the real conditions in the region, which are specific by their nature, the key questions arise – to what extent is this possible, what are the means and ways of achieving this, and in what dynamics is it likely to occur? To be able to give an appropriate answer to this complexity, we have primarily used the comparative analysis method, but also the method of critical review by several authors

    How Patriotic Can the Opposition Be? The Constitutional Role of the Minority Party in Times of Peace and during National Crises

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    This paper seeks to address the constitutional status of the minority party – the opposition – within the parliament and its interaction with the majority. It does so from both a political science and law perspective, and focuses on the different types of oppositions in various regimes and their interactions with the majority. It quests to the limits and scope of oppositional behavior within parliaments. The paper focuses especially on the role of the opposition during times of national crises and analyses the constitutional problem of opposition loyalty to the majority in these times while suggesting a model that limits the opposition loyalty, especially in times of national crises
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