Foreign Policy and the Ideology of Post-ideology: The Case of Matteo Renzi’s Partito Democratico

The post-communist Italian Left has experienced a long phase of ideational misalignment between ideas placed at different levels, as a qualified discursive institutionalist approach demonstrates. Background public philosophies have often clashed with post-communist political ideology, while foreign policy programmes have often contradicted specific policies. Under the leadership of Matteo Renzi, however, the PD is now experiencing a moment of remarkable ideational consistency. Rather than being founded on entirely new premises, this new consensus folds old elements into new ones and shows all the defining traits of post-ideology. Yet, by espousing post-ideology, Renzi is making an ultimately ideological move whose limitations may soon start to show

Kinned to be Norwegian : transnational adoptees' positioning in relation to whiteness and the negotiation of nationhood

Author's accepted version (postprint).This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd in Nations and Nationalism on 13 April 2019.Available online: https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/nana.12525acceptedVersio

Building inclusive nations in the age of migration

This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power on 06 Apr 2016, available online: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1070289X.2016.1148607Nation and diversity are often casted in oppositional terms. The present joint-intervention explores the limits and possibilities of what we call ‘inclusive nation’, i.e. a nation which embraces rather than expunging diversity. To reflect on this idea, the Loughborough University Nationalism Network (LUNN) organized a symposium, bringing together both academics and relevant stakeholders, to explore both theoretically and practically the feasibility of the inclusive nation. For reason of space, here we present only the theoretical views of academics. While Billig and Yuval-Davis highlight the inherent exclusive thrust of nationalism, Kaufmann and Hearn suggest two distinct ways to move away the traditional understanding of nationalism as a site of singularity, oppression and exclusion. A final rejoinder by Nyhagen pushes the debate further interrogating the boundaries of national belonging

Exploring the Demands of Assimilation among White Ethnic Majorities in Western Europe

This article was published in the journal, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies [© Routledge (Taylor & Francis)] and the definitive version is available at: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183X.2012.640015Since the mid-1990s, assimilation has gradually regained momentum as both a normative and an analytical concept for understanding the ways in which migrants are incorporated into societies at large. Although scholars have investigated various dimensions of this process, they have tended to privilege the experience of migrants themselves. Comparatively little attention has been dedicated to the perspective of the dominant groups, particularly in relation to what ethnic majority people demand that migrants do in order to be accepted. This article explores these demands of assimilation through qualitative data collected among white local elites in four regional case-studies in Western Europe. The analysis reveals a different picture from the one usually portrayed by 'new assimilation theory'. Accordingly, I suggest rethinking assimilation in ways which incorporate more fully the plurality of demands put forward by dominant ethnic groups. © 2012 Copyright Taylor and Francis Group, LLC

The dis/comfort of white British nationhood: encounters, otherness and postcolonial continuities

Recent work on the affective dimensions of nationhood, identity and belonging has often overlooked discomfort in favour of positive experiences of sameness and security. Contrary to this tendency, this paper, based on interview narratives produced with white British middle-class people in the suburbs of London, examines the role of discomfort in experiences of nationhood, as well as the nature and meaning of that discomfort. In the first part of thepaper, I demonstrate how nationhood becomes in and through uncomfortable encounters with other people, places and objects. Then, in the second part, I show how, for some, the experience of becoming national in encounters with the ‘other’ is itself experienced uncomfortably in the context of a postcolonial Britain where people are expected to ‘love themselves as different’. On the one hand, the paper challenges the idea of privileged national belonging as wholly comfortable. Yet, the analysis also exposes the relative comfort of white British people’s nationhood. The paper offers important insight into the uneven and hierarchical nature of contemporary nationhood and highlights the value of attending to the entanglement of comfort and discomfort in work on affective nationalism

International migration and the rise of the ‘civil’ nation

This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published in Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies on 2 March 2016, available online: http://www.tandfonline.com/10.1080/1369183X.2016.1155980Scholars largely agree that immigration policies in Western Europe have switched to a liberal, civic model. Labelled as ‘civic turn’, ‘civic integration’ or ‘liberal convergence’, this model is not identically applied across countries, since national institutions, traditions and identifications still matter. Even so, the main focus is on processes which allow or prevent migrants to be incorporated into nations usually taken for granted in their meanings. Moving from policies to discourses, this article aims to interrogate what kind of nation is behind these policies as a way to further scrutinise the ‘civic turn’. Exploring how the term ‘civility’ and its adjectivisations are discursively deployed in Italian parliamentary debates on immigration and integration issues, the article points to two opposite narratives of nation. While one mobilises civility in order to rewrite the nation in terms of a common, inclusive, civic ‘we’, the other uses civility to reaffirm the conflation between national identity and the identity of the ethno-cultural majority. These findings suggest the importance of exploring the ‘civic turn’ not only across countries, but also across political parties within the same country to capture the ways in which a liberal, civic convergence in political discourses might hide divergent national boundary mechanisms