Comparison of treatment with insulin degludec and glargine U100 in patients with type 1 diabetes prone to nocturnal severe hypoglycaemia:The HypoDeg randomized, controlled, open-label, crossover trial

AIM: To investigate whether the long‐acting insulin analogue insulin degludec compared with insulin glargine U100 reduces the risk of nocturnal symptomatic hypoglycaemia in patients with type 1 diabetes (T1D). METHODS: Adults with T1D and at least one episode of nocturnal severe hypoglycaemia during the last 2 years were included in a 2‐year prospective, randomized, open, multicentre, crossover trial. A total of 149 patients were randomized 1:1 to basal‐bolus therapy with insulin degludec and insulin aspart or insulin glargine U100 and insulin aspart. Each treatment period lasted 1 year and consisted of 3 months of run‐in or crossover followed by 9 months of maintenance. The primary endpoint was the number of blindly adjudicated nocturnal symptomatic hypoglycaemic episodes. Secondary endpoints included the occurrence of severe hypoglycaemia. We analysed all endpoints by intention‐to‐treat. RESULTS: Treatment with insulin degludec resulted in a 28% (95% CI: 9%‐43%; P = .02) relative rate reduction (RRR) of nocturnal symptomatic hypoglycaemia at level 1 (≤3.9 mmol/L), a 37% (95% CI: 16%‐53%; P = .002) RRR at level 2 (≤3.0 mmol/L), and a 35% (95% CI: 1%‐58%; P = .04) RRR in all‐day severe hypoglycaemia compared with insulin glargine U100. CONCLUSIONS: Patients with T1D prone to nocturnal severe hypoglycaemia have lower rates of nocturnal symptomatic hypoglycaemia and all‐day severe hypoglycaemia with insulin degludec compared with insulin glargine U100

Australia Day, flags on cars and Australian nationalism

This article reports the results of research into the recent popular phenomenon of flying Australian flags on one’s car for Australia Day. A survey was undertaken in Western Australia in 2011 to ascertain who flies the flag and why. Results indicate the phenomenon was widespread, with a quarter of those surveyed displaying car-flags. A clear relationship between car-flag-flying and exclusionary nationalism is demonstrated. Car-flag-flyers rate more highly on measures of patriotism and nationalism, and feel more negative towards Muslims and asylum seekers, and more positive about the White Australia Policy. They are also significantly more likely to feel their culture and values are in danger, and have a nativist vision of Australian identity. While both groups are positive about Australia’s diversity, car-flag-flyers are more likely to feel that migrants should assimilate. The results support other literature that suggests that in some contexts the Australian flag has come to be associated with exclusionary nationalism

Legal Paradigm Shifts and Their Impacts on the Socio-Spatial Exclusion of Asylum Seekers in Denmark

This chapter discusses the genesis of Denmark’s asylum accommodation system and recent legal and socio-spatial changes as a reaction to the increase of arrivals. By elucidating the structures and objectives of asylum accommodation, I present that the state’s further tightening of restrictive reception and accommodation policies significantly impacts the socio-spatial configurations of accommodations, refugees’ access to housing and their well-being. I discuss the links between the tensioning of laws, the reduction of living conditions and the (re-)constitution of large accommodations as means of socio-spatial exclusion. Applying the case of Denmark’s Hovedstaden Region (Capital Region), I finally argue that asylum accommodation is a central instrument of Denmark’s approaches to strategically isolate forced migrants and to deter them from migrating to Denmark

Examining 'postmulticultural' and civic turns in the Netherlands, Britain, Germany, and Denmark

There is a widely shared view that the appeal of multiculturalism as a public policy has suffered considerable political damage. In many European states the turn to “civic” measures and discourses has been deemed more suitable for the objectives of minority integration and the promotion of preferred modes of social and political unity. It is therefore said that the first decade of the new century has been characterized by a reorientation in immigrant integration policies—from liberal culturalist to the “return of assimilation” (Brubaker, 2001), on route to a broader “retreat from multiculturalism” (Joppke, 2004). In this article, we argue that such portrayals mask a tendency that is more complicated in some cases and much less evident in others. To elaborate this, we offer a detailed account of the inception and then alleged movement away from positions in favor of multiculturalism in two countries that have adopted different versions of it, namely the United Kingdom and the Netherlands, and two countries that have historically rejected multiculturalism, namely Denmark and Germany. We argue that while there is undoubtedly a rhetorical separation between multiculturalism and civic integration, the latter is in some cases building on the former, and broadly needs to be understood as more than a retreat of multiculturalism. Taking seriously Banting and Kymlicka’s argument that understanding the evolution of integration requires the “the mind-set of an archaeologist,” we offer a policy genealogy that allows us to set the backlash against multiculturalism in context, in manner that explicates its provenance, permutations, and implications

Critical Junctures and Social Identity Theory: Explaining the Gap between Danish Mass and Elite Attitudes to Europeanization

By applying a combination of a social constructivist perspective on ideational change with theories of social learning and social identity, the article explains the gap in the Danish discourse on Europe between mass and elite. The Danish population is conceptualized as two differently constructed ‘social groups’ consisting of a nation people and a state-elite group. Each ‘social group’ has experienced different processes of ideational change and socialization and has developed different conceptions of interests and political preferences