'Set up to fail'? How welfare conditionality undermines citizenship for vulnerable groups

Underpinned by the assumption that unemployed persons are passive recipients of social security, recent welfare reforms have increased benefit conditionality in the UK and introduced harsher penalties for failure to meet these conditions. Yet, conditionality may result in vulnerable groups disproportionately experiencing disentitlement from benefits, one of the rights of social citizenship, because they are, in some cases, less able to meet these conditions. Rising sanctions, then, may be the product of a disconnection between welfare conditionality and the capabilities of vulnerable claimants. To test this hypothesis, we evaluate whether sanctions are higher in areas where there are more vulnerable Jobseeker's Allowance claimants, namely, lone parents, ethnic minorities and those with disabilities. We find that sanction rates are higher in local authorities where more claimants are lone parents or live with a disability, and that this relationship has strengthened since the welfare reforms were introduced under the Conservative-led coalition. Failure to meet conditions of benefit receipt may disproportionately affect vulnerable groups

The growing disconnect between food prices and wages in Europe: cross-national analysis of food deprivation and welfare regimes in twenty-one EU countries, 2004–2012

Food insecurity has been rising across Europe following the Great Recession, but to varying degrees across countries and over time. The reasons for this increase are not well understood, nor are what factors might protect people’s access to food. Here we test the hypothesis that an emerging gap between food prices and wages can explain increases in reported inability to afford protein-rich foods and whether welfare regimes can mitigate its impact. We collected data in twenty-one countries from 2004 to 2012 using two databases: (i) on food prices and deprivation related to food (denoted by reported inability to afford to eat meat, chicken, fish or a vegetarian equivalent every second day) from EuroStat 2015 edition; and (ii) on wages from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development 2015 edition. After adjusting for macroeconomic factors, we found that each 1 % rise in the price of food over and above wages was associated with greater self-reported food deprivation (β=0·060, 95 % CI 0·030, 0·090), particularly among impoverished groups. However, this association also varied across welfare regimes. In Eastern European welfare regimes, a 1 % rise in the price of food over wages was associated with a 0·076 percentage point rise in food deprivation (95 % CI 0·047, 0·105) while in Social Democratic welfare regimes we found no clear association (P=0·864). Rising prices of food coupled with stagnating wages are a major factor driving food deprivation, especially in deprived groups; however, our evidence indicates that more generous welfare systems can mitigate this impact

Family policy and food insecurity: an observational analysis in 142 countries

Background: Levels of child malnutrition and hunger across the world have decreased substantially over the past century, and this has had an important role in reducing mortality and improving health. However, progress has stalled. We examined whether family policies (eg, cash transfers from governments that aim to support households with children) are associated with reduced food insecurity. Methods: In this observational analysis, we used a dataset of individual-level data that captured experience-based measures of food insecurity and sociodemographic characteristics collected by the Gallup World Poll in 142 countries for 2014–17. We then combined this dataset with indicators of the type and generosity of family policies in these countries, taken from the University of California, Los Angeles’ World Policy Analysis Center. We used multilevel regression models to examine the association between the presence of family policies for households with children and the probability of reporting moderate or severe food insecurity or severe food insecurity (moderate or severe food insecurity was defined as a “yes” response to at least four of eight questions on the Gallup Food Insecurity Experience Scale, and severe food insecurity was defined as a “yes” response to at least seven questions). We controlled for multiple covariates, including individual-level measures of social position and country-level measures, such as gross domestic product. We further examined whether this association varied by household income level. Findings: Using data from 503 713 households, we found that, on average, moderate or severe food insecurity is 4·09 percentage points (95% CI 3·50–4·68) higher in households with at least one child younger than 15 years than in households with no children and severe food insecurity is 2·20 percentage points (1·76–2·63) higher. However, the additional risk of food insecurity among households with children is lower in countries that provide financial support (either means-tested or universal) for families than for countries with little or no financial assistance. These policies not only reduce food insecurity on average, but they also reduce inequalities in food insecurity by benefiting the poorest households most. Interpretation: In some countries, family policies have been cut back in the past decade and such retrenchment might expose low-income households to increased risk of food insecurity. By increasing investment in family policies, progress towards Sustainable Development Goal 2, zero hunger, might be accelerated and, in turn, improve health for all. Funding: Wellcome Trust

The rise of hunger among low-income households: an analysis of the risks of food insecurity between 2004 and 2016 in a population-based study of UK adults

Background: Rising food bank use in the past decade in the UK raises questions about whether food insecurity has increased. Using the 2016 Food and You survey, we describe the magnitude and severity of the problem, examine characteristics associated with severity of food insecurity, and examine how vulnerability has changed among low-income households by comparing 2016 data to the 2004 Low Income Diet and Nutrition Survey. Methods: The Food and You survey is a representative survey of adults living in England, Wales, and Northern Ireland (n=3118). Generalised ordered logistic regression models were used to examine how socioeconomic characteristics related to severity of food insecurity. Coarsened exact matching was used to match respondents to respondents in the 2004 survey. Logistic regression models were used to examine if food insecurity rose between survey years. Results: 20.7% (95% CI 18.7% to 22.8%) of adults experienced food insecurity in 2016, and 2.72% (95% CI 2.07% to 3.58%) were severely food insecure. Younger age, non-white ethnicity, low education, disability, unemployment, and low income were all associated with food insecurity, but only the latter three characteristics were associated with severe food insecurity. Controlling for socioeconomic variables, the probability of low-income adults being food insecure rose from 27.7% (95% CI 24.8% to 30.6 %) in 2004 to 45.8% (95% CI 41.6% to 49.9%) in 2016. The rise was most pronounced for people with disabilities. Conclusions: Food insecurity affects economically deprived groups in the UK, but unemployment, disability and low income are characteristics specifically associated with severe food insecurity. Vulnerability to food insecurity has worsened among low-income adults since 2004, particularly among those with disabilities

The impact of benefit sanctioning on food insecurity:a dynamic cross-area study of food bank usage in the UK

Household food security, which may be compromised by short-term income shocks, is a key determinant of health. Since 2012, the UK witnessed marked increases in the rate of ‘sanctions’ applied to unemployment insurance claimants, which stop payments to claimants for a minimum of four weeks. In 2013, over 1 million sanctions were applied, potentially leaving people facing economic hardship and driving them to use food banks. Here we test this hypothesis by linking data from the Trussell Trust Foodbank Network with records on sanctioning rates across 259 local authorities in the UK. After accounting for local authority differences and time trends, as the rate of sanctioning increased by 10 per 100,000 adults, the rate of adults fed by foodbanks by an additional 3.36 adults per 100,000 (95% CI: 1.71 to 5.01). The availability of food distribution sites affected how tightly sanctioning and food bank usage were associated (p<0.001 for interaction term), such that in areas with few distribution sites, rising sanctions led to smaller increases in Trussell Trust food bank usage. Sanctioning appears to be closely linked with rising need for emergency food assistance, but the impact of sanctioning on food insecurity is likely not fully reflected in available data. There is a need to monitor household food insecurity in the UK to fully understand the impact of government policies on this outcome

Food insecurity and social protection in Europe: quasi-natural experiment of Europe's great recessions 2004–2012

Food insecurity rose sharply in Europe after 2009, but marked variation exists across countries and over time.We test whether social protection programs protected people from food insecurity arising from economic hardship across Europe. Data on household food insecurity covering 21 EU countries from 2004 to 2012 were taken from Eurostat 2015 edition and the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development. Cross-national first difference models were used to evaluate how rising unemployment and declining wages related to changes in the prevalence of food insecurity and the role of social protection expenditure in modifying observed effects. Economic hardship was strongly associated with greater food insecurity. Each 1 percentage point rise in unemployment rates was associated with an estimated 0.29 percentage point rise in food insecurity (95% CI: 0.10 to 0.49). Similarly, each $1000 decreases in annual average wages was associated with a 0.62 percentage point increase in food insecurity (95$1000 spent per capita reduced the associations of rising unemployment and declining wages with food insecurity by 0.05 percentage points (95% CI:−0.10 to−0.0007) and 0.10 (95% CI:−0.18 to−0.006), respectively. The estimated effects of economic hardship on food insecurity became insignificantwhen countries spent more than $10,000 per capita on social protection. Rising unemployment and falling wages are strong statistical determinants of increasing food insecurity, but at high levels of social protection, these associations could be prevented

Textual analysis of sugar industry influence on the World Health Organization’s 2015 sugars intake guideline

Objective To determine whether sugar industry-related organizations influenced textual changes between the draft and final versions of the World Health Organization’s (WHO’s) 2015 guideline Sugars intake for adults and children. Methods Stakeholder consultation submissions on the draft guideline from seven sugar industry-related and 10 public health organizations were assessed using the Wordscores program. Document scores were rescaled using the Martin–Vanberg transformation to improve comparability. Draft and final guidelines were compared to identify changes influenced by the sugar industry and public health organizations. Findings There was a small shift in transformed Wordscores score between the draft and final guidelines, from 0.25 to 0.24, towards the industry position. The change was linked to increased use of the word “low” to describe the quality of the evidence, consistent with industry arguments. There was also a shift from use of the word “consumption” to “intake”, irrespective of policy position. Scores for World Sugar Research Organisation and Sugar Nutrition UK submissions ( 0.11 and 0.18, respectively) represented strong pro-industry positions and scores for European Public Health Alliance and Wemos submissions (1.00 and 0.88, respectively) represented the strongest public health positions. Industry tactics included challenging the quality of the evidence, distinguishing between different types of sugar and advocating harm reduction. Conclusion There was little change between draft and final versions of the WHO sugars intake guideline 2015, following industry consultation. The main change was linked to emphasizing the low quality of the evidence on sugar’s adverse effects. Guideline development appeared relatively resistant to industry influence at the stakeholder consultation stage